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VIA le 

AOUITOADAAAA RR OanteR hn eas d se metteonnrbhtertseduasyensesstoneced 

Cornell Aniversity Library 



Henry W. Sage 


ALOT I eee ee ed 

Cornell University Library 

BL 1555.J13 


Cornell University 


The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 









Neto Work 




All rights reserved 

CoPpyYyRiGHT, 1898, 

Norbsood Press 
J.S, Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith 
Norwood Mass. U.S.A. 




Tus work deals with the life and legend of Zoroaster, the 
Prophet of Ancient Iran, the representative and type of the 
laws of the Medes and Persians, the Master whose teaching 
the Parsis to-day still faithfully follow. It is a biographical 
study based on tradition; tradition is a phase of history, and it 
is the purpose of the volume to present the picture of Zoroaster 
as far as possible in its historic light. 

The suggestion which first inspired me to deal with this 
special theme came from my friend and teacher, Professor 
Geldner of Berlin, at the time when I was a student under 
him, ten years ago, at the University of Halle in Germany, and 
when he was lecturing for the term upon the life and teachings 
of Zoroaster. It was from him that I received my earliest 
vivid impression of the historic reality of the Ancient Sage. 
The special material for the work, however, has grown out of 
my own lectures, delivered several times in the regular uni- 
versity curriculum of Columbia. Students who may have 
attended the course will perhaps recognize some of the ideas 
as discussed with them in the class. As I have had the prepa- 
ration of this volume in view for some time, I have naturally 
been constantly adding to my material or collecting new facts 
to throw light on the subject. It is the aim of the book to 
bring together all that is generally known at the present time, 
either from history or from tradition, about this religious 
teacher of the East. 

Our knowledge of Zoroaster has been greatly augmented 
from the traditional side, during the past few years, especially 
through the translations made by Dr. West from the Pahlavi 

texts. This mass of Zoroastrian patristic literature tends 


largely to substantiate much that was formerly regarded as 
somewhat legendary or uncertain. This has resulted in plac- 
ing actual tradition on a much firmer basis and in making 
Zoroaster seem a more real and living personage. It is the 
object of the book to bring out into bolder relief historically 
the figure of this religious leader. In emphasizing more 
especially the reality of the great Master’s life instead of 
elaborating the more mythical views of Zarathushtra which 
prevailed not so long ago, I may, in the judgment of some, 
have gone too far on the side of realism. But if I have done 
so, it seems to me that this is a fault at least in the right 
direction if we may forecast the future from the present. I 
can but feel that the old writers, like Anquetil du Perron, 
were nearer the truth in certain of their views of Zoroaster, 
than has sometimes been supposed. In taking a position so 
much in accord with tradition with regard to Zarathushtra I 
might adopt the plea which the old Armenian annalist, Moses of 
Khorene, employs in another connection: ‘there may be much 
that is untrue in these stories, there may be much that is 
true; but to me, at least, they seem to contain truth.’ I may 
only add that in general where there is so much smoke there 
must also be fire, and in the book I hope that others may 
discern some sparks of the true flame amid the cloud. 

As to the arrangement of material and the form of the work, 
I have sought to make the first half of the volume more general; 
the second half I have allowed to be more technical. The story 
of the life and ministry of the Prophet is told in twelve chap- 
ters; the more critical discussion of mooted points is reserved 
for the Appendixes. The general reader may also omit all notes 
at the bottom of the pages. 

In respect to the spelling of proper names the plan has gener- 
ally been, in the case of Zoroaster, to employ Zarathushtra, 
Zarattisht, or Zardusht, respectively, if it seemed necessary at 
any point to indicate the special sources from which I was 
drawing or to distinguish between Avestan, Pahlavi, and Modern 


Persian. I have otherwise called the Prophet by his more 
familiar name of Zoroaster. The same holds true of his patron 
Vishtaspa, Vishtasp, Gushtasp, and of other ancient names. 
I have furthermore aimed at giving authority for all statements 
that I have made, as the abundant references to the original 
sources and the citations will show. 

With regard to indebtedness, I have always tried to give 
credit to my predecessors and fellow-workers in the field; a 
glance at the footnotes, I think, will prove this. Each of those 
to whom I am under obligation will best recognize my in- 
debtedness, and will best be aware of my appreciation. I 
should like to have referred also to Professor Tiele’s latest 
book, which deals with the religion of Iran, because some 
twenty of its interesting pages are devoted to Zarathushtra ; 
it arrived after my work was all printed, so I have been able 
only to add the title in my bibliographical list on p. xv, and 
to draw attention to the points which are of importance in 
connection with the present subject. Furthermore, in various 
parts of my volume I have made acknowledgment to several 
friends for kind aid which they have readily given on special 
points, and which I shall gratefully remember. 

I now wish to express to the Trustees of the Columbia 
University Press my appreciation of their encouragement 
given to me to carry out the work; and I desire especially 
to thank President Seth Low for the personal interest he 
has taken in the book from the beginning, and to acknow- 
ledge the kind helpfulness of Dean Nicholas Murray Butler 
in all matters of detail. The Macmillan Company, likewise, 
have been constantly ready to meet my wishes in every re- 
gard; and I owe my thanks also to the printing firm of 
Messrs. Cushing and Company, to their compositors and 
their proof-readers, for their careful and prompt despatch of 
the work. 

But beside these acknowledgments there remain two friends 
to mention, who come in for a large share of remembrance. 


These are my two pupils, Mr. Louis H. Gray, Fellow in Indo- 
Iranian Languages in Columbia University, and Mr. Mont- 
gomery Schuyler, Jr., a member of the class of 1899 in the 
College, who has been studying Sanskrit and Avestan for 
the last two years. Since the first proof-sheets arrived, these 
two generous helpers have been unflagging in their zeal and 
willingness to contribute, in any way that they could, to giv- 
ing accuracy to the book. Mr. Gray’s indefatigable labor and 
scholarly acumen are especially to be seen in Appendix V., the 
completeness of which is due to his untiring readiness to pur- 
sue the search farther for texts that might hitherto have 
escaped notice ; and to Mr. Schuyler’s hand is owed many a 
happy suggestion that otherwise would have been lacking in 
the book, and more than one correction that without his aid 
might have been overlooked. To both of these scholars I wish 
to express my thanks; and I feel that they also will recall 
with pleasure the happy hours spent together in work as 
chapter after chapter came from the printer’s hand. Forsan 
et haec olim meminisse juvabtt. 

And now I send the book forth, hoping that in some meas- 
ure it may contribute to a more general knowledge of this Sage 
of the Past, the Persian Prophet of old, the forerunner of 
those Wise Men of the East who came and bowed before the 
majesty of the new-born Light of the World. 


IN THE City oF NEw Yorg, 
October, 1898. 


[The other books which have been referred to are given with their titles as occasion 
arises to quote from them or to refer to them. The present list is therefore 
very abridged.] 

Anquetil du Perron. Zend-Avesta, Ouvrage de Zoroastre. Tome I. 1, 2 et 
Tome II. Paris, 1771. 

‘Vie de Zoroastre’ (i. Part 2, pp. 1-70) ; very important. German translation 
by Kleuker, Zend-Avesta, Thl. 3, pp. 1-48; excerpts in English by K. E. Kanga. 
Bombay, 1876. 

Avesta. The Sacred Books of the Parsis. Edited by Karl F. Geldner. 
Stuttgart, 1885-1896. 

All Avestan references are made to this edition except in the case of Yashts 
22-24, for which Westergaard’s edition was used. The Fragments are found in 
Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, iii. 1-166. 

Ayuso, F.G. Los Pueblos Iranios y Zoroastro. Madrid, 1874. 

This volume of studies shows sympathy for tradition. Z. born in the west 

(p. 7); his date is placed in the Vedic Period, B.c..2000-1800 (p. 14, ef. pp. 147- 
149), but confused used by tr tradition ¥ with ¢ another. Z. who lived abot 00 (p. 15). 

Brisson, Barnabé. Barnabae Brissonii, De Regio Persarum Principatu Libri 
Tres. Argentorati, 1710 (orig. ed. 1590). 

Consult especially the full indexes at the end of the edition. 

Dabistan. The Dabistan, or School of Manners. Translated from the Origi- 
nal Persian. By Shea and Troyer. 3 vols. Paris, 1843. 

Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana. Geiger’s Civilization of the Eastern Iranians 
in Ancient Times. Translatedfromthe German. (Ostiranische Kultur.) 

2 vols. London, 1885-1886. 
Contains also a translation of Spiegel’s Essay on Gushtasp and Zoroaster 

(from Eranische Alterthumskunde). 


— Zarathushtra in the Gathas and in the Greek and Roman classics. 
Translated from the German of Drs. Geiger and Windischmann, with 
Notes and an Appendix. Leipzig, 1897. 

See also Windischmann and Geiger. 

Darmesteter, James. The Zend Avesta. Translated. Sacred Books of the 
East, vols. iv., xxiii. Oxford, 1880, 1883, and vol. iv. in second ed., 

Darmesteter, J. Le Zend Avesta, Traduction nouvelle avec Commentaire 
historique et philologique. 3 vols. Paris, 1892-1893. (Annales du 
Musée Guimet, xxi., xxii., xxiv.) 

This valuable work has been constantly consulted on points relating to the 

Dasatir. The Desatir, or Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian Prophets 
in the Original Tongue; together with the Ancient Persian Version 
and Commentary of the Fifth Sasan. Published by Mulla Firuz Bin 
Kaus. An English translation. 2 vols. Bombay, 1818. 

Dosabhai Framji Karaka. History of the Parsis. 2 vols. London, 1884. 

Especially vol. 2, chap. 2, pp. 146-164. 
Duncker, M. History of Antiquity. English translation by E. Abbott. 
Vol. 5. London, 1881. 
Firdausi. See Shah Namah. 

Geiger, Wilhelm. Das Yatkar-i Zariran und sein Verhiltnis zum Sah-name. 
Sitzb. der philos. philol. und histor. Cl. d. k. bayer. Ak. d. Wiss., 1890. 
Bd. ii. Heft 1, pp. 43-84. Miinchen, 1890. 

— Ostiranische Kultur im Altertum. Erlangen, 1882. 
English transl. by Darab D. P. Sanjana. See above. 

Geiger. Zarathushtra in den Gathas. A Discourse. Translated by Darab 
D. P. Sanjana. 
See above. 

Geldner, K. F. Article ‘Zoroaster.’ Encyclopedia Britannica, xxiv., 820-823 
(9th ed.), 1888. Also forthcoming article, ‘Persian Religion,’ in 
Encyclopedia Biblica, ed. Cheyne and Black (read in manuscript). 

Gottheil, R. J. H. References to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic Literature. 
In Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, New York, 1894. 
pp. 24-51 (Columbia University Press). 

Very useful and constantly referred to. 

Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn. 
Strassburg, 1896—. 


Harlez, C. de. Avesta, Livre Sacré du Zoroastrisme. Traduit du Texte 
Zend. 2meéd. Paris, 1881. 

Valuable Introduction; Chap. IL., pp. xviii. —xxxii., ‘Zoroastre.’ 

Haug, M. Essays on the Parsis. Third ed. Edited and enlarged by 
KE. W. West. London, 1884. 

Especially Essay IV. 
Holty, A. Zoroaster und sein Zeitalter. Liineburg, 1836. 

Horn, P. Die Reiche der Meder und Perser. (Geschichte und Kultur. Die 
Religion Zoroaster’s.) Hellwalds Kulturgeschichte. 4 Auflage, Bd. i. 
301-332. 1897. 

Hovelacque, A. L’Avesta, Zoroastre et le Mazdéisme. Paris, 1880. 
Sketch of Zoroaster, pp. 134-149. 

Hyde, T. Historia Religionis veterum Persarum eorumque Magorum. 
Oxon. 1700. 

A fund of information. Citations after this first edition. 

Justi, Ferd. Die ilteste iranische Religion und ihr Stifter Zarathustra. In 
Preussische Jahrbiicher. Bd. 88, pp. 55-86, 231-262. Berlin, 1897. 

—— Handbuch der Zendsprache. Leipzig, 1864. 
— [Iranisches Namenbuch. Marburg, 1895. 

Consulted on all proper names. 

Kanga, Kavasji Edalji. Extracts from Anquetil du Perron’s Life and Re- 
ligion of Zoroaster. Translated from the French. Bombay, 1876. 
(Commercial Press.) 

Kleuker, J. F. Zend-Avesta, Zoroasters Lebendiges Wort. 1 Bd., 3 Thle., 
und 2 Bde., 5 Thle. Riga, 1776-1783. 

Translated from the French of Anquetil du Perron. The ‘ Anhinge’ contain 
valuable material from the classics and other sources. Often consulted. 

Ménant, Joachim. Zoroastre. Essai sur la Philosophie Religieuse de la 
Perse. 2™¢éd. Paris, 1857. 

General in character. 

Meyer, Ed. Geschichte des Alterthums. Erster Band. Stuttgart, 1884. 

Mills, L. H. A Study of the Five Zarathushtrian (Zoroastrian) Gathas, with 
texts and translations. Oxford and Leipzig, 1892-1894. 

Always consulted on points relating to the Pahlavi version of the Gathas. 
See also SBE. xxxi. 


Mirkhond. History of the Early Kings of Persia. Translated from the 
original Persian, by Shea. London, 1832. 

Especially pp. 263-337. 
Mohl. See Shah Namah. 
Miiller, F. Max. Ed. Sacred Books of the East. Oxford. 
Especially the translations by E. W. West, Darmesteter, Mills. 
Noldeke, Th. Persische Studien, IJ. Sitzb. d. k. Ak. d. Wiss. in Wien, phil. 
hist. Cl. Bd. cxxvi. 1-46. Wien, 1892. 
Oldenberg, Hermann. Zarathushtra. Deutsche Rundschau, xiv. Heft 12, 
pp. 402-437, September, 1898. 

Asketch interestingly written. It arrived too late to be referred to in the 
body of the book. On p. 409 of his article, Professor Oldenberg_gives ¢ expres-_ 
sion to his view of Z.’s date, which he says, however, is ‘merely a subjective 
estimate,’ ‘placing | Zoroaster about.B.c, 900-800, without discussing the question. 

Pastoret, M. de. Zoroastre, Confucius, et Mahomet. Seconde éd. Paris, 

Like Brisson, Hyde, and other old writers, this briefly notes some of the 

material accessible at the time. Seldom consulted. 

Ragozin, Zénaide A. The Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia. (Story of 
the Nations Series.) New York, 1888. 

Rapp. Die Religion und Sitte der Perser und iibrigen Iranier nach den 
griechischen und rémischen Quellen. ZDMG. xix. 1-89; xx. 49-204. 
Translated into English by K.R. Cama. Bombay, 1876-1879. 

Shah Namah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vul- 
lers (et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884. 

—— Le Livre des Rois par Abou’] Kasim Firdousi, traduit et commenté 
par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878. 

Quotations are based on this translation. 

— The Shah Nameh of the Persian Poet Firdausi. Transl. and 
abridged in prose and verse. By James Atkinson. London and New 
York, 1886. (Chandos Classics.) 

Especially pp. 246-313. See also Néldeke, Grundriss, ii. 207 n. 6. 

Spiegel, Fr. Avesta, die heiligen Schriften der Parsen. Uebersetzt. 3 Bde. 
Leipzig, 1852-1863. 

—— Ueber das Leben Zarathustra’s, in Sitzb. der kgl. bayer. Akad. der 
Wiss. zu Miinchen, 5, January, 1867, pp. 1-92. Mtinchen, 1867. 

Most of this monograph is incorporated into Spiegel’s following book. 


—— Eranische Alterthumskunde. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1871-1878. 

The chapter entitled ‘Die letzten Kaianier und Zarathushtra’ (Bd. i. 659-724), 
is important here, and is accessible in English by Darab D. P. Sanjana. See 

Tiele, C.P. De Godsdienst van Zarathustra, van haar ontstaan in Baktrié 
tot den val van het Oud-Perzische Rijk. Haarlem, 1864. 

— Geschiedenis van den Godsdienst. Amsterdam, 1876. 

— lets over de Oudheid van het Avesta. Mededeelingen der K. Ak. 
van Wetenschappen, xi., 3de R., pp. 364-383. Amsterdam, 1895. 

Does not accept Darmesteter’s view as to late origin of the Avesta; finds 
traces of Zoroastrianism in the first half of the seventh century B.c. 

— Geschichte der Religion im Altertum bis auf Alexander den Grossen. 
Deutsche autorisierte Ausgabe von G. Gehrich. 11 Band. Die Reli- 
gion bei den iranischen Vélkern. Erste Hilfte, pp. 1-187. Gotha, 1898. 

This excellent volume dealing with the religion of Iran arrived too late to 
quote from or to mention except here in the Preface, because the rest of my book 
was already in the press. I should otherwise certainly have referred to such 
pages in the work as bear upon Zoroaster, for example the following: pp. 37-38, 
Gaotema is not identified with Buddha, but rather with the Vedic sage (cf. pp. 
177-178 of the present volume) ; p. 49, age of the Avesta, the oldest passages of 
the Younger Avesta, according to Professor Tiele, are to be placed not much — 
dater than B.c. 800, a although ‘they were ‘not necessarily” at that time in their 

present form of redaction; p.54, allusions to Phraortes and Kyaxares; p. 54, 
pcan kingdom; p. 92, Zoroaster in the Gathas; p. 98, al- 
lusions to Z.’s name and its meaning; pp. 99-107, question as to his historical, 
legendary, or mythical existence; p. 121, the cradle of the Zoroastrian reform 
is to be sought in the north and. northwest of. of ‘Tran, _ whence it spre d_prob- 
‘ably first toward the east and southeast of Bactria, ev even as far as India ; thence | 7 

to the south into to Media E Proper an ‘and Persia, 

Vullers, J. A. Fragmente iiber die Religion des Zoroaster, aus dem Per- 
sischen iibersetzt. Bonn, 1831. 
Notes useful. 
West, E. W. Pahlavi Texts translated. Parts 1, 2,3, 4,5. Sacred Books 
of the East, ed. F. Max Miiller, vols. v., xviii., xxiv., xxxvii., xlvii. 
Constantly used. Pahlavi quotations in translation are from these volumes. 
Wilson, John. The Parsi Religion: as contained in the Zand-Avasta. Bom- 
bay, 1843. 
The Appendix contains a translation of the Zartusht-Namah by E. B. East- 
wick. Often quoted. 
Windischmann, Fr. Zoroastrische Studien. Abhandlungen, hrsg. von Fr. 
Spiegel. Berlin, 1863. 

Valuable material; excerpts accessible now also in English translation by 
Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana. Often consulted. 




Zoroaster’s Position among Early Religious Teachers — Zoroaster and 

Buddha— Plan and Scope of the Present Work — Zoroaster as a 
Historical Personage — Sources of Information — Zagoaster in 
the Classics — Conclusion 3 1-9 


Introduction — Zoroaster an Iranian—The Name Zoroaster (Zara- 
thushtra), its Form and its Meaning — The Date of Zoroaster — 
His Native Place — Zoroaster’s Ancestry and his Family; Gene- 
alogies— Conclusion . . S1 4 2 SAR gl hy 10-22 


Introduction — Prophecies of the Coming of Zoroaster, and the Mira- 
cles before his Birth — Birth and Childhood of Zoroaster accord- 
ing to Tradition — Zoroaster’s Youth and Education — Period of 
Religious Preparation—Conclusion . . . . . 23-35 



Introductory Survey — Sources of Information and what we gather 

from them —‘The Revelation’— First Vision, Conference with 
Ahura Mazda—Second Vision, Vohu Manah — Scenes and Cir- 
cumstances of the Remaining Visions and Conferences with the 
Archangels — The Temptation of Zoroaster — Maidhyoi-Maonha, 
his First Disciple— Conclusion. ; ; : ; F 36-55 



Introduction — Zoroaster seeks Vishtaspa— Meeting between Zara- 
tusht and Vishtasp— Zaratusht disputes with the Wise Men — 
Conspiracy against him; his Imprisonment— The Episode of 
the Black Horse — Complete Conversion of Vishtasp — Coming 
of the Archangels — Vishtasp’s Vision — Conclusion . ‘ 56-68 


Zoroaster’s Patron Vishtaspa— Romantic Story of his Youth — Influ- 
ence of Vishtaspa’s adopting the New Faith — Members of Vish- 
taspa’s Court; Immediate Conversions; Living Personalities in 
the Gathis —Other Members of the Court Circle converted — 
Conclusion. “ ‘ é : : < i : 4 69-79 




Introduction, the Cypress of Kishmar— Conversions more Numerous; 

Spread of the Gospel; Early Religious Propaganda — Spread of 
the Religion in Iran—Some Conversions in Turan — Averred 
Conversions of Hindus — Story of the Brahman ‘Cangranghacah’ 
—The Hindu Sage ‘Bids’—Fabled Greek Conversions — Did 
Zoroaster visit Babylon ? — Conclusion ; > oe ; 80-92 


Introduction— Record of a Noteworthy Conversion— Tradition of 
Zoroaster’s Healing a Blind Man — Question of Zoroaster’s 
Scientific Knowledge — Other Items of Interest, Incidents, and 
Events — The Sacred Fires—Conclusion . ‘ -  . 98-101 


Introduction — Religious Warfare in the Avesta— Arejat-aspa, or 
Arjasp and the Holy Wars— Outbreak of Hostilities; Causes 
and Dates — Arjasp’s Ultimatum — His First Invasion; the Holy 
War begins — Arjasp’s Army and its Leaders — Vishtasp’s Army 
and its Commanders— Battles of the First War— Isfendiar as 
Crusader, and the Following Events — Arjasp’s Second Invasion ; 
the Last Holy War—Summary . ‘ ‘ : . 102-123 



Introduction — Greek and Latin Accounts of Zoroaster’s Death by 

Lightning or a Flame from Heaven — The Iranian Tradition of 
his Death at the Hand of an Enemy—Conclusion . - 124-132 


Introductory Statements; the Course of Events — The First Ten Years 
after Zoroaster’s Death — Evidence of Further Spread of the Re- 
ligion — Death of the First Apostles— Later Disciples and Suc- 
cessors — Prophecies and Future Events—Summary . - 183-189 


Brief Résumé of Zoroaster’s Life — General Deductions, Summary and 
Conclusion . . . . .). » 6 6 ~~) 140-148 


Short Sketch of the Principal Etymologies or Explanations of Zoro- 
aster’s Name that have been suggested from Ancient Times down 
to the Present . é : 3 ‘ . . . . - 147-149 



Introduction — First, a Discussion of those References that assign to 

Zoroaster the Extravagant Date of s.c. 6000—Second, Allu- 
sions that connect his Name with Ninus and Semiramis — Third, 
the Traditional Date which places the Era of Zoroaster’s Teach- 
ing at Some Time during the Sixth Century B.c.— Conclusion 150-178 


A Series of Tables of Zoroastrian Chronology deduced by West basing 
his Calculations upon the Millennial System of the Bindahishn 179-181 


Introduction — Classical References as to Zoroaster’s Native Place — 
The Oriental Tradition — Discussion as to whether Eastern Iran 
or Western Iran is rather to be regarded as the Scene of Zoro- 
aster’s Ministry —{General Summary | a {8 2 SY . 182-225 


Passages in Greek and Latin Authors in which Zoroaster’s Name is 
mentioned or Some Statement is made regarding him— The So- 
called Zoroastrian Logia or Oracles . . . «. . 226-273 



Armenian Allusions — Chinese Allusions — Syriac, Arabic, and Other 
Mohammedan or Persian References — Icelandic Allusion . 274-287 





A Syriac Tradition of an Image of Zaradusht — Mention of a Picture 
in the Fire-Temple at Yezd — Reproduction of an Idealized Por- 
trait— The Takht-i Bostan Sculpture, Discussion — Other Sup- 
posed Representations . . : : : . . - 288-294 

INDEX  . 7 é P : é ‘ 5 é ‘ - - 295-316 

Map anv Key ‘ : i z ‘ 3 s 3 E . 3817-318 


[Chiefly titles of Zoroastrian texts] 

= American Journal of Se- 
mitic Languages (for- 
merly Hebraica). 

AY. = Avesta, ed. Geldner. 


BB. = Bezzenberger’s Beitriage. 

Bd. = Bindahishn (SBE. v. 1- 

Byt. = Bahman Yasht (SBE. v. 

Dab. = Dabistan (tr. Shea and 

Dat. = Datistan-1 Dinik (SBE. 
xviii. 1-276). 

Dk. = Dinkart (SBE. xxxvii. 
1-397, 406-418; xlvii. 

JAOS. =Journal American Ori- 
ental Society. 

JRAS. = Journal Royal Asiatic So- 

KZ. = Kuhn’s Zeitschrift. 

Mkh. = Mainég-i Khirat (SBE. 

xxiv. 1-118). 
Ms., Mss. = Manuscript, manuscripts. 

OIK. = Geiger, Ostiranische Kul- 

PAOS. =Proceedings American 
Oriental Society. 

Pers. = Persian. 

Phi. = Pahlavi. 

SBE. = Sacred Books of the East. 
Ed. F. Max Miiller. 

Sd. = Sad-dar (SBE. xxiv. 253- 

Shg. = Shikand-gimanik Vijar 
(SBE. xxiv. 115-251). 

SBN. = Shah Namah. 

Sls. = Shayast li-shayast (SBL. 
v. 237-406). 

Skt. = Sanskrit. 

Vd. = Vendidad. 

Vij. = Vijirkart-i Dinik. 

Vsp. = Visperad. 

Ys. = Yasna. 

Yt. = Yasht. 

YZ. = Yatkar-1 Zaririn (iiber- 
setzt von Geiger). 

Z. = Zoroaster. 

Zsp. = Selections of Zat-sparam 

(SBE. v. 153-187 and 
xlvii. 181-170). 

ZtN. = Zartusht Namah (in Wil- 
son’s Parsi Religion). 

ant. = ancient. 

cf. = confer, compare. 

ed. = edited by, editor. 

@g. =exempli gratia, for ex- 

i.e. = id est, that is. 

1.11. = line, lines. 

u. = note. 

op. cit. = opuscitatum, work quoted 

orig. = original. 

P. pp. = page, pages. 

prob. = probably. 

qu. = query, question. 

seq. =sequens, and the follow- 

tom. = tomus, volume. 

tr. transl. = translated, translation. 
vol. = volume. 




elré ydp pot, dia Th rdv Zwpodorpny éxetvov kal roy Zduonrkev obde e& 
dvouaros taaccy ob moddol, maANov dé ode Tives wAHY SAlLywr Tivdy. 

—TIouannes Curysostomos. 

HisroricaL Personace — Sources or InFORMATION— ZOROASTER IN THE 
Cuiassics — CONCLUSION 

Zoroaster’s Position among Early Religious Teachers. — 
Among the early religious teachers of the East, if we leave 
out the great founders of Judaism and of Christianity, the 
name of Zarathushtra, or Zoroaster, the Persian sage and 
prophet of ancient Iran, is entitled to hold one of the most 
distinguished places. To Zoroaster is due the same rank, 
the same respect, the same reverential regard that is due 
to such seekers after light as Buddha, Confucius, Socrates. 
Even some of the great thoughts of Christianity may be 
found to have e been “voiced likewise by Zoroaster —a fact 
which cannot but be of interest — although it belongs else- 
where to discuss the ‘possibility or impossibility of any closer 
or more distant bonds of connection between Judaism and 
Christianity and the faith of ancient Iran. (Between India 
and Iran, however, a natural connection and kinship is 
acknowledged; and owing to the importance of Buddhism 
as a contrasted faith, a brief parallel between the teachings 

B 1 


of Zoroaster and the doctrines of Buddha may be drawn by 
way of introduction. 

Both these prophets were filled with a spiritual zeal for 
relieving a people and ameliorating their condition; both of 
them were inspired with a righteous hope of bettering their 
peoples’ lives and of redeeming them from misery and sin; and 
both men became founders of religious faiths. The end and 
aim in both cases was in general alike; but the nature of the 
two minds and of the creeds that were developed shows some 
marked and characteristic, if not radical, differences. The 
faith of Buddha is the more philosophical; the faith of Zoro- 
aster, the more theological. Buddha’s doctrine is a creed 
rather of renunciation, quietism, and repose; Zoroaster’s creed 
is a law of struggle, action, and reform. India’s so-called 
Prophet Prince is overwhelmed with the wretchedness of 
human existence, an existence from which the sole release is 
absorption into Nirvana; Persia’s Sage is equally cognizant of 
the existence of woe, but it is no world-woe without hope of 
triumphant domination. The misery which Zoroaster acknow- 
ledges to exist is due to an Evil Principle against whom man 
must struggle all his life and fight the good fight which will 
bring final victory and will win joys eternal at the resurrection 
Nevertheless, as a faith in reality, Buddha’s belief had in it 
more of the elements of a universal religion; Zoroaster’s faith, 
as Geldner has said, possessed rather the elements of a national 
religion. {lillions of human souls still take refuge in Buddha; 
the faithful followers that bear the name of Zoroaster to-day do 
not number a hundred thousand. In making such a compari- 
son, however, with regard to the relative proportion between 
the two faiths in the matter of present adherents we must not 
forget that national events and external changes in the world’s 
history have contributed as much to this apparent dispropor- 
tion as any inherent and essential difference between the 
nature of the two creeds has done,) 

So much may be said by way of bringing Zoroaster into con- 


trast with the founder of the Indian religion that came after 
his own; and as recent discoveries have thrown so much light 
upon Buddha’s life, and archaeological finds have contributed 
so much to substantiating traditions that long have been famil- 
iar but were not always estimated at their true value, it seems 
worth while to take up the subject of Zoroaster’s life anew and 
to ascertain all that we are in a position just now to find out 
regarding it. The purpose therefore of the following pages is 
to gather as much material as is accessible at present for illus- 
trating the life and legend of the Prophet of Ancient Iran, and 
this will be done with special reference to tradition. 

(Zoroaster as _a_ Historical Personage. — Before proceeding 
to details with regard to the prophetic teacher of Iran, one 
point must be emphasized at the outset, and an opinion must 
definitely be expressed; this is with reference to the ques- 
tion raised as to whether Zoroaster be a historical person- 
age, a real figure whose individuality is indelibly stamped 
upon the religion of Persia of old. An affirmative answer 
must be given, for Zoroaster 7s a historical character. This 
point is emphasized because it is not so long ago that 
advanced scholarship for a time cast a cloud of doubt 
over the subject;1 but happily the veil of myth is now 
dispelled. Scholars are generally agreed that although legend 
or fable may have gathered about the name of the prophet 
of ancient Iran, the figure of the great reformer, never- 
theless, ‘stands out clearly enough to be recognized in its 
general ‘outlines; and sufficient data for his life can be col- 

Oxford, 1880). For the historical side 
of the question see Geldner, ‘ Zoroas- 

1 Among other references noted by 
Spiegel, Eranische Alterthumskunde, 

i. 708n., mention may be made of 
Kern, Over het Woord Zarathustra en 
den mythischen Persoon van dien Naam 
(1867); observe also Spiegel’s remark 
in Die arische Periode, § 48, p. 299 
(Leipzig, 1887) ; and especially the late 
lamented Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, 
Part i. Introd. pp. 76-79 (SBE. iv. 

ter’ Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th ed. 
xxiv. 820, and consult Spiegel, HA. i. 
707-708, and recently, with emphasis, 
in ZDMG. lii. 198. Darmesteter later 
expressed himself more cautiously, see 
Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 75 seq. (Paris, 
1893), and Zend-Avesta, Introd. p. 68, 
§ 10, 2d ed. (SBE. iv. Oxford, 1896). 


lected to enable one to give a clear and correct idea of his 
personality and individuality.1/ There are parts, it is true, 
in every great man’s life regarding which nothing is known 
(one has only to think of the Shakspere-Bacon controversy); 
and in the case of all early teachers’ lives there are many 
lacune to be filled. The broken fragments of the statue 
are sometimes separated so far that we cannot find many 
of the missing chips, and we must be content to piece the 
parts imperfectly together. Caution must necessarily be 
used in such restorations. The existence of legend, fable, and 
even of myth, may be admitted in dealing with Zoroaster’s life ; 
some apocryphal literature is acknowledged to have grown up 
about the hallowed Messiah of Christianity;? but the shadowy 
substance gathered about the figure of Zoroaster must not be 
allowed to shroud and obscure his true personality. Cautious 
we must be, conservative we must be, yet not so far as to 
exclude a willingness to recognize characteristic traits and 
features, or to define more sharply objects and forms whose 
outlines are now and then somewhat dimly presented. In the 
present research an attempt will be made frankly to give warn- 
ing where points are doubtful; and difficult as it is at this 
remote day, an endeavor will be made fairly and impartially to 
distinguish between fiction on the one hand and underlying 
facts on the other, so far as they may be looked upon as reason- 
ably certain, presumable, or plausible. The achievement un- 
doubtedly falls far short of the aim in the present monograph ; 
and some will feel that too much weight is given to traditional 
statements ; but in the absence of other authority we have at 
least these to turn to; and the purpose is to lay these down 
for reference and for judgment. After this prefatory note has 
been given, attention may now be directed to the sources of 
our knowledge in antiquity respecting the life and legend of 
Zoroaster as a historical personage. 

1See especially Dr. E. W. West in 2See Apocryphal New Testament, 

SBE. xlvii. Introd. pp. ‘29-30 (Ox- London, 1820. 
ford, 1897). : 


Sources of Information about Zoroaster’s Life. — The data for 
reconstructing an outline of the life of the great reformer may 
be conveniently classified, first (1) as Iranian, second (2) as 

non-Iranian. Naturally the various sources are not all of equal 
importance ; yet each has a certain intrinsic value. 

Among (1) the Iranian sources of information the Avesta, 
of course, stands foremost in importance as the material with 
which to begin; and in the Avestan Gathas, or Psalms, Zoro- 
aster is personally presented as preaching reform or teaching 
a new faith. The entire Pahlavi literature serves directly to 
supplement the Avesta, somewhat as the patristic literature of 
the Church Fathers serves to supplement the New Testament. 
Especially valuable is the material in the Pahlavi Dinkart and 
the Selections of Zat-sparam, material which has been made 
anes by Dr. =: Ww. West in his ‘Marvels of Zoroastri- 
Without West's 3 ae many of the cine pases ould to 
have been written. Of similar character, as paced chiefly 1 upon 

OF 2opc4 
these two sources, is the later Persian Zartusht Namah, which 

Gushtasp _ a Vishtaspa)2. Some other ‘Parsi. “works and tradi- 
tional literature may be included in the list, but these will be 
mentioned as occasion arises in the course of the investiga- 
tion. Zoroaster is not mentioned in the Ancient Persian 
Inscriptions, but the silence may be accounted for. 

1See Eastwick’s translation in Firdausi says he has incorporated into 

Wilson, The Parsi Religion, pp. 477- 
522, Bombay, 1843. Consult West in 
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 122; 
SBE. xvii. Introd. pp. 20-24. 

2 Firdausi expressly states that the 
portion of his chronicle which relates 
to Zoroaster (Zardusht) is derived from 
his own poetic predecessor, Dakiki, 
who was cruelly murdered when he 
had sung but a thousand verses. These 

the Shah Namah. Scholars are gener- 
ally inclined to accept the truth of the 
statement. See Néldeke in Grundriss 
der tran. Philol. ii. 147-150. 

3 West, The Modern Persian Zoro- 
astrian Literature, Grundriss der iran. 
Philol. ii. 122-129, and Spiegel, Die tra- 
ditionelle Literatur der Parsen (Wien, 


(2) The non-Iranian sources are either (@) Classical_or _ 
(o) Oriental. The latter include especially the allusions to 
Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic literature! as well as some 
Armenian references and other incidental mentions.? In point 
of antiquity the classical references, as a rule, rank next to the 
Avesta; and these allusions, even though they are foreign, are 
often of real importance, as they serve to check or to substan- 
tiate results which are based upon various authorities. The 
Appendixes to the present volume will render most of this 
material easily accessible. 

Zoroaster in the Classics.4— All classical antiquity is agreed 
on the point that Zoroaster was a historical personage, even 
though his figure was somewhat indistinct in the eyes of these 
ancient authors. To the writers of Greece and Rome he was 
the arch-representative of the Magi;* and he sometimes seems 
to be more famous for the magic arts which are ascribed to his 
power than for either the depth and breadth of his philosophy 
and legislation, or for his religious and moral teaching. None 
the less, he was regarded asa great sage and as a prophet whose 
name was synonymous with Persian wisdom, or as the founder 
of the Magian priesthood who are sometimes said to be his 
pupils and followers.§ 

1Gottheil, References to Zoroaster 
in Syriac and Arabic Literature, Clas- 

this subject, see Appendix V. at the 
end of this volume. 

sical Studies in Honour of Henry Dris- 
ler, pp. 24-51, New York, 1894 (Co- 
lumbia Univ. Press). : 

2 Chinese, for example; but these 
have not yet been made generally ac- 
cessible. Consult Appendix VI. 

8 For instance, an allusion to Zoro- 
aster which is found in the Preface to 
the Younger Edda is probably trace- 
able to some classical or Semitic orig- 
inal. See Jackson in Proceedings of 
the American Oriental Society, xvi. p. 
cxxvi. March, 1894. Appendix VI. 

4 For a collection of the material on 

5 Consult also the Pahlavi Dinkart, 
9. 69, 58; 4. 21. 34 (SBE. xxxvii. 
pp. 897, 412, 417), and see Av. moyu, 
moyutbis, Justi, Handbuch der Zend- 
sprache, p. 2385. 

* Platonic Alcibiades I, p. 122, A, 
payelav ... Thv Zwpoderpov Tod ‘Qpoud- 
fou’ éort dé rodro Ocdy Oepareia. Cf. 
also Apuleius, de Magia, xxiv. (Rapp, 
ZDMG. xix. p.21n.). So Hermodorus 
as cited by Diogenes Laertius, Fragm. 
Hist. Gree. 9, ed. Miller; Plutarch, 
Isis et Osiris, 46; Clemens Alexan- 
drinus, Stromata, i. p. 804; Pliny, 


The Magi, as we know from Herodotus, were a tribe, not 
merely a priestly family, and the right of the classics to call 
Zoroaster a Magian is borne out in other ways. The Pahlavi 
Dinkart regards the ‘ Avesta and Zand’ as the sacred writings 
of the Magian priests.! The learned Arab chronologist Albirini 
adds that ‘the ancient Magians existed already before the time 
of Zoroaster, but now there is no pure unmixed portion of 
them who do not practice the religion of Zoroaster.’* Several 
Syriac and Arabic writers speak of him as ‘a Magian,’ ‘ head of 
the Magians,’ ‘chief of the sect,’ ‘ Magian prophet,’ ‘ diviner.’® 
This direct association of his name with the Magi is perhaps to 
be understood with some limitations; but the Magi were the 
reputed masters of learning in ancient times, and Zoroaster 
stood for this learning in antiquity.‘ 

Of the Magian teachings and doctrines it is difficult to form 
a clear picture, except so far as we may believe them to be 
reflected in Zoroaster, after we have made due allowance for 
changes or reforms that he may have instituted. The classical 
tradition that Pythagoras studied under these masters in 
Babylon may not be altogether without foundation.’ Plato 
we know was anxious to visit the Orient and to study with 
the Magi, but the Persian wars with Greece prevented him.® 

Hist. Nat. 30. 2.1; Agathias, 2, 24; 
Plutarch, Numa, 4; Suidas, s.v. Py- 
thagoras; cf. Rapp, ZDMG. xix. p. 
21 seq.; Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 
44, See Appendix V. at the end of 
this volume. 

1 Dk, 4. 21;4. 34, West, Phi. Texts 
Trans. in SBE. xxxvii. pp. 412, 

2 Albirini, Chronology, transl. by 
Sachau, p. 314, London, 1879. 

3 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster 
in Syriac and Arabic Literature, pp. 
24-51, in Classical Studies in Honour 
of Henry Drisler, New York, 1894 
(Columbia Univ. Press). 

4 For example, Cicero, de Divina- 

tione, 1. 23 et al.; Windischmann, Zor. 
Stud. p. 277 n. 

5 See Appendix V. below, and cf. 
Lucian, Dialog. cited by Kleuker, Zend- 
Avesta, Anh. ii. 8, p. 104; Cicero, de 
Finibus, 5.29; Valerius Maximus, 8. 
7; Pliny, H. N. 30. 2. 1; Apuleius, 
Florid. p. 19 ; Porphyrius, Vita Pytha- 
gore, 41; Lactantius, Institutiones, 
4.2; Iamblichus, Vita Pythagore, 19 ; 
Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, i. 
p. 857. Consult Windischmann, Zor. 
Stud. pp. 260-264. 

& Diogenes Laertius, Philosoph. Vit. 
8. 7; Apuleius, de Doctrin. Plat. Phil. 
p. 569. The Anonym. Vit. Plat. p. 7, 
ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862, adds 


The followers of the Sophist Prodicus, a contemporary of 
Socrates, are reported to have boasted their possession of 
secret writings of Zoroaster ;! and even a Magian teacher, one 
Gobryas, is claimed as instructor of Socrates.? Aristotle, 
Deinon, Eudoxus of Cnidus, and especially Theopompus, were 
familiar with Zoroastrian tenets.2 A work bearing the name 
of Zoroaster by Heraclides Ponticus, a pupil of Plato and of 
Aristotle, is mentioned in Plutarch.* The distinguished phi- 
losopher Hermippus (about B.c. 200) made careful studies of 
Magism and of Zoroastrian writers, according to Pliny CA. WV. 
30. 2.1). Zoroaster and Magian were names to conjure with, 
and there are numerous allusions to ideas drawn from these 
sources in Plutarch, Strabo, Suidas, and others. 

Titles of a number of purported books of Zoroaster are also 
given in the classics, such as vepl dices, wept AMO@v Tiplov, 
BiBr10r ~amcxpupot Zwpodotpov, actepocxoTixa Zwpodatpov.® 
Furthermore, some ‘sayings’ of Zoroaster, like those men- 
tioned by Gemistus Pletho, Mayixad Adya Tov ard ToD Zwpo- 
dotpov Mayer, are both reported to have existed, and passages 
are occasionally claimed to be taken from them. Like other 
such productions, however, these are all probably apocryphal, 
although the encyclopedic character of the titles somewhat 
recalls the analysis and summaries that we have of the Zoroas- 
trian Nasks.* At all events, these references and allusions show 
how great a reputation was enjoyed by Zoroaster in classical 
antiquity, even if his name does not occur in Herodotus’ nor 

that in Phoenicia Plato met with 
Persians who introduced him to Zoro- 
astrian lore. Cf. Appendix V. § 1. 

1 Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, 
i. p. 357. 

2 Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 

8 Diogenes Laertius, Proem. 8; 
Pliny, H. N. 30. 2.1; Plutarch, Js. et 
Os. 47; cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. 
pp. 233 n., 279 n., and App. V. below. 

¢ Plutarch, Adv. Colot. p. 1115 A; 
cf, Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 284. 
Thanks also to friend Lanman. 

5 See allusions in Suidas and in 
Pliny. Appendix V. below. 

6 West, Pahlavi Texts, Translated 
in SBE. xxxvii. 1-488. 

7™Cf£. de Harlez, Des Origines du 
Zoroastrisme, p. 276, Journal Asia- 
tique, 1878-79 ; Darmesteter, Le ZA. 
iii. Introd. p. 76, 


in Xenophon, nor with certainty in the extant fragments of 
Ctesias. The earliest authenticated classical allusion to Zoroas- 
ter by name seems to be the reference in the Platonic Alci- 
biades ;1 although, according to Diogenes Laertius (Prowm. 2), 
he was mentioned by the earlier Xanthus of Lydia.? 

Conclusion. — As Zoroaster is one of the great religious 
teachers of the East, his life as well as his work is worthy of 
study from its historical importance. Our information regard- 
ing his life is to be gathered from the Zoroastrian scriptures, 
the Avesta and the Pahlavi writings, and other material must 
be used to supplement or to correct these sources. Due 
weight must be given to tradition. It must also be remembered. 
that fiction as well as fact has doubtless gathered about the 
name of this religious reformer. This latter fact is all the 
more a proof of his great personality. 

1See Alcibiades I, 122, p. 181, ed. consult also my article ‘ Zoroaster’ 
Schanz. in Harper’s Dictionary of Classical 
2See Appendix V. below, and Antiquities, New York, 1897. 


Sa jato yena jatena yati vams'ah samunnatim. 
— Hiropapss!a, 

IntTRopUCTION — ZoROASTER AN IrantaN— Tue Name ZoroasTER (ZARA- 
THUSHTRA), ITS Form anp 1Ts Meaning — THe DatTE oF ZoROASTER — 
His Native Pracr — ZoRoastER’s ANCESTRY AND HIS FamMILy ; GENEALO- 

Introduction. — When a man rises to lasting fame, all that is 
associated with his name and his times becomes of interest 
and of importance. Lustre is shed upon his family, and dis- 
tinction is lent to the line that produced such a son. If 
great men are the children of their age, the age of a great 
religious teacher can but deserve attention. His own origin, 
the influences that may have been formative in his life, his 
environment and surroundings, alike become worthy of con- 
sideration. The nature and condition of the country which 
called him forth requires some remark, and with regard to 
Zoroaster it is to be regretted that we do not know more than 
we do of Iran in early antiquity, and that only a limited space 
can be devoted here to this special theme, although it receives 
more or less treatment in different places throughout the book. 
This prophet’s teaching found fruitful soil in the land of 
Ancient Iran, because the seed was already in the hearts of the 
people, if we may adapt the phrase of a renowned author. 

Zoroaster of Iran. — Zoroaster, it is believed, sprang up in 
the seventh century before the Christian era, somewhere in 



the land between the Indus and the Tigris. Before our mind 
rises first a picture of the world outside of Iran, the kingdoms 
of Assyria and Babylon, with their long line of dynasties 
reaching far back into history which antedates Iran ;1 to the 
southeast lies India, bound by the ties of Indo-Iranian unity ; 
lastly, and to offset all, Turan, the rival and foe, the synonym 
of everything crude, uncouth, and barbarous, borders upon 
the Iranian territory to the north. But to return to the 
land of Ivan itself during this period. There exists, or is 
claimed to have existed in early times, an eastern Iranian 
kingdom in Bactria. An uncertainty with regard to this 
point will be noted hereafter. Media, however, has already 
been known to fame in history long before this period; and in 
the eighth century B.c. its power was able to throw off the 
yoke of Assyria, and at the close of the seventh century 
(8.c. 606) to crush Nineveh and establish the Median dynasty 
of Ecbatana, which may be called the first of the great Iranian 
kingdoms.? But the decadence of Media swiftly follows, and 
its glory is dimmed before the splendor of the rising Persian 
sun. So much for the period and land in which Zoroaster 

During the very lifetime of Zoroaster—if we accept the 
traditional dates—the Jews were carried into captivity in 
Babylon, and their return from exile to Jerusalem takes place 
less than a generation after his death. If the Persian wars 
with Greece stand for anything in the world’s history, when 
Orient and Occident met at Marathon, Platea, Salamis, when 
the East received its first shock and set-back from the West, 
certainly we must feel an interest in the life of that man who 
is commonly spoken of as the lawgiver of the Persians. His 

1JIn the Avesta, Babylon is the seat 

of the semi-mythical tyrant and demon 

Azhi Dahaka, who destroyed the 
Tranian ideal king Yima (Jem-shéd) 
and ruled for a thousand years. On 
the religion of Babylon and Assyria, 

compare Tiele, Geschichte der Reli- 
gion, i. 1. pp. 127-218. 

2Cf. also the article ‘Iranians’ 
(AVWJ.) in Johnson's Universal 
Cyclopedia, iv. 670. 


name, his date, and his native place, his family, his ancestry, 
and his associations, are all matters of some moment. These 
will be given in this chapter before turning to the more pict- 
uresque story of his life. The question of his religious beliefs, 
teaching, and philosophy, can be dealt with only incidentally, 
as this is reserved for treatment in another work. 

The Name Zoroaster (Zarathushtra), its Form and its Mean- 
ing. — The form of the Prophet’s name in the Avesta con- 
sistently appears as Zara@ustra, or with the fuller patronymic 
as Spitama ZaraOustra.1 The shapes or disguises which this 
appellative has assumed in other languages show as much 
variety as does the spelling of the name of the English reformer 
Wyclif (Wycliff, Wyclyffe, etc.). The familiar form (a) Zoro- 
aster is adopted from Zoroastres of the Latin, which in turn 
is modelled after the Greek form. (0) In Greek the name 
commonly appears as Zwpodotpns,? but sporadic variations are 
found, for example Zwpcados, Zapddys beside Zwpodetpns in 
Agathias 2. 24, or the anomalous "Opwacros (Georgius Hamar- 
tolus), see Appendix V.; or again, the forms Zdpatos,? Zdpys,* 
which are also quotable from the Greek, seem to be based upon 
the later Persian form. A grecized Armenian form (Arm. 
Zaravést) is cited from Cephalion ;° and Diodorus Siculus (1. 94) 
has ZaOpavorns,® which recalls the Avestan form, Zarathushtra, 

orpéws (gen.) cf. Lassen ZKM, vi. 541, 
n. 2. 

1 Consult Justi, Iranisches Namen- 
buch, p. 880, Marburg, 1895; Win- 

dischmann, Zor. Stud. pp. 44, 45; de 
Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. p. xxi. 
Cf. also Anquetil du Perron, Zend- 
Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p.2, Paris, 1771, and 
Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 307 seq. 
Oxford, 1700. See also Appendix I. 

2 Diogenes Laertius, de Vit. Philos. 
Prowm. 2. p. 1 (recens. Cobet), Paris, 
1850. Observe that Plutarch, Js. et Os. 
46, once has Zwpédacrpis, once the usual 
Zwpodarpys (Numa, 4), and once the 
curious Zdoacrpos (Quest. Conviv. 4. 
1.1). On Zoroastes (sic) in Isidorus, 
see Appendix V. § 88; and on Zapa- 

3 Porphyrius, Vita Pythagore, p. 
18, ed. Nauck (‘O Ilvéaydpas) mpds 
Zdparov adliero. 

* Suidas, s.v. Pythagoras; see Ap- 
pendix V., § 45. 

5 From Cephalion through Eusebius 
(Armen. Versio, p. 41, ed. Mai), ac- 
cording to de Harlez, Av. tr. Introd. 
p. xx. See Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
380a, on Zaravastes in Miiller, Fragm. 
iii, 626, 627, 

® Diodorus Siculus, 1. 94. 2, Tapa 
Hey yap "Apiavots Zabpaterny. See Ap- 
pendix V. § 3 below. 


of the Prophet’s name.!_ (¢) An Armenian rendering of the 
appellative is given as Zradasht.2, (d) The Syriac and Arabic 
writings show the name under a variety of guises, but they 
generally agree with the Pahlavi or Modern Persian form.® 
(e) The Pahlavi version of the name is usually given Zaratast.* 
(Cf) Some of the Modern Persian varieties are Zartust, Zardust, 
Zardust, Zarduhast, Zardtust, Zarddust, Zardtuhast, Zardduhast, 
Zaérahust.5 All these are variations of Avestan ZaraOuStra. 
The question as to the si gnificanc eof the name of Irvan’s pro- 
phetic teacher is not withoutinterest. India’s princely reformer 
was the ‘Enlightened’ (Buddha) or the ‘Sakya Sage’ (Sakya- 
munt); Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of God, was the Wonderful, 
the Counsellor, the Anointed (Christus). In ancient Iran Zoroas- 
ter, the Righteous, was called Zara@ustra, or Zarabustra Spitama, 
Spitama ZaraOustra, or sometimes simply Spitama. The title 
Spitima is a family designation, and the name comes from an 
ancestor of the Prophet, a heros eponymus of the clan.® The 
Spitaman name is elsewhere found early in Media. The deriva- 
tion of this patronymic Spitama, used as an appellative, is 
apparently from the Av. root spit- ‘be white’ = Skt. s'vit-, and 
the significance is probably ‘descendant of White,’ like the 
English Whit-ing. The origin of Zarabustra itself is less 

1The Greek form Zopodorpns, or 
Zwpodorpys, is apparently to be ex- 
plained as derived from Av. Zara- 
thushtra through a Western Iranian 
presumable form *Zaraustra, cf. 
Bartholomae in Grundriss d. iran. 
Philologie, i. §§ 98, 264 (8). 

2See also Hiibschmann, Persische 
Studien, p. 204, Strassburg, 1895. 

8 See Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster in Syriac and Arabic Writers, 
p. 25 seq. 

4 West, Pahlavi Texts Translated, 

Part 5, in SBE. xlvii. 180, In- 
5 Cf. Vullers, Lexicon Persico- 

Latinum, ii. p. 108, Bonn, 1865 ; West, 

The Book of the Mainyo-i-Khard, 
p. 223; Stuttgart, 1871. 

6 See the genealogy given below, 
p. 19, and consult Justi, Handbuch 
der Zendsprache, sub voce ; also Ira- 
nisches Namenbuch, Marburg, 1895. 
Zoroaster’s daughter is Pouwrucista 
Spitami, Ys. 58. 3; his cousin is 
Maidysimiwha Spitama, Ys. 51. 19; 
the members of the family are spoken 
of as the Spitamas (Ys. 46. 15) Spita- 
miéw~ho. In Pahlavi, the Prophet is 
called Zaratust 7 Spitaman, ‘ Zoroaster 
of the Spitamas’ ; the Mod. Pers. has 
Isfiman, see Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
p. 809; Zrerapas, Zribduns are quota- 
ble as ordinary Iranian proper names, 


clear than Spitama and the derivation has been much discussed. 
Scholars, however, are now generally agreed upon one point ; it 
is that the second member of the compound (for the form must 
be a composite) is the word w%tra- ‘camel,’ but the precise 
nature of the compound and the true meaning of its first ele- 
ment are uncertain. The most probable significations that have 
been proposed are: ‘one whose camels are old’ (zar ‘be old’)? 
or ‘old camel’ (cf. Skt. jarad-gava, jarat-karu-); or again ‘one 
whose camel is fierce’ (zar ‘be angry”) or possibly ‘ tormenting 
the camel’; or ‘robbing a camel’ (cf. Skt. bharadvaja). Numer- 
ous other suggestions and explanations have been offered ; and 
some of them show a good deal of fancy ; but doubtless the name 
is an unromantic, unpoetic name, a title which the man retained 
as his birthright even after he became famed as a spiritual and 
religious teacher. The very fact of his retaining this somewhat 
prosaic appellative testifies to a strong personality ; Zoroaster 
remains a man and he is not dubbed anew with a poetic title 
when later sanctification has thrown a halo of glory about his 
head. For an outline of the various discussions of Zoroaster’s 
name, the reader is referred to the special Appendix.® 

The Date of Zoroaster. — With reference to the date at which 
Zoroaster lived and taught, there has been a wide diversity of 
opinion, but now a more general agreement between the views 
of scholars on the subject is beginning to prevail. The con- 
sensus of opinion has of late been growing stronger in favor of 
accepting the traditional view, based on the chronology of the 

1 The esteem in which the Bactrian 
camel is held is well known (cf. Yt. 
14. 11-13). Other Iranian proper 
names contain usira, e.g. Frasaottra 
‘whose camels are fresh,’ Aravaostra 
‘whose camel does not bellow’ (cf. 
ravo-fraodman), Vohustra ‘having 
good camels’ (Yt. 13. 122, cf. Spiegel, 
Eran. Alterthumskunde, i. p. 678). 
There are many similar compound ap- 
pellatives with -aspa ‘horse,’ gao- 

‘cow,’ -uxtan ‘ox,’ which are probably 
totemistic family survivals ; see Justi, 
Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 486 seq., 
Marburg, 1895. 

2Cf. Hiibschmann, WZ. xxvi. p. 
203; Geldner, Zoroaster, Encyclope- 
dia Britannica, 9th ed. xxiv. p. 820; 
Bartholomae, in Grundriss d. iran. 
Phil. i. pp. 149-150; AF. i. p. 160; 
IF. vi. Anz. p. 47. 

3 See Appendix I. below. 


Buindahishn, which places the era of Zoroaster’s activity 
between the latter half of the seventh century B.c. and the 
middle of the sixth century. A detailed discussion of the 
question with a general presentation of the material on 
the subject has been given by the present writer in a mono- 
graph on The Date of Zoroaster, JAOS. xvii. 1-22, 1896 
(reprinted in Appendix II.). The results are rendered even 
more precise by a slight chronological correction by Dr. E. 
W. West,! who gives the years B.C. 660-583 as probably the 
exact date of Zoroaster so far as tradition is concerned. There 
is space here only to summarize; for details reference must be 
made to Appendix II., III. 

The statements of antiquity on the subject may conveniently 
be divided into three groups. 

First (1)’to be considered are those references that assign 
to Zoroaster the extravagant age of B.c. 6000. These are 
confined simply to the classics, but they have a certain claim to 
attention because they are based upon information possessed 
by Aristotle, Eudoxus, and Hermippus.? These extraordinary 
figures are due to the Greeks’ not having quite rightly under- 
stood the statements of the Persians who place Zoroaster’s 
millennium amid a great world-period of 12,000 years, which 
they divided into cycles, and in accordance with this belief 
Zoroaster’s fravast had actually existed in company with the 
archangels for several thousands of years. Second (2) come 
those statements which connect the name of Zoroaster with 
that of the more or less legendary Ninus and the uncertain 
Semiramis.2 Third (8) the direct Zoroastrian tradition 

1 Personal letter, dated April 30, 122; Diogenes Laertius, de Vit. Philos. 
1897, and in a published view with Promm. 2; Lactantius, Inst. 7. 15, 
chronological table, SBE. xlvii. In- and cf. Suidas, s.v. Zoroastres. 
trod. pp. 27-42. See Appendix III. 8 Cf. Diodorus Siculus, 2.6; Frag- 

2 The passages are given in full in ments of Cephalion in Euseb. Chron. 
Appendix II.; they are from Pliny, 1. 43 and 4. 85; Theon, Progymnas- 
H.N. 30. 2.1; Plutarch, Js. et Os.46; mata, 9; Justin, from Trogus Pom- 
Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades I, peius’ Hist. Philippic. 1. 1; Arnobius, 


which is found in the Pahlavi book Bindahishn 34. 1-9 and 
supported by Arta Viraf 1. 2-5 and Zat-sparam 23. 12, as 
well as corroborated by abundant Arabic allusions (Albiritini, 
Masiidi, and others) unanimously places the opening of 
Zoroaster’s ministry at 258 years before the era of Alexander, 
or 272 years before the close of the world-conqueror’s life 
(8.0. 823). As Zoroaster was thirty years old, according to the 
tradition, when he entered upon his ministry; and as he was 
seventy-seven years old at the time of his death; and, further- 
more, since we may assume an omission of thirty-five years 
in the Bandahishn chronological list, according to West, we 
have good reason, on the authority of the tradition, for making 
B.C. 660-583 as the era of Zoroaster. 

Tradition also says that Zoroaster was forty-two years old 
when he converted King Vishtaspa, who became the patron of 
the faith. There is no good ground, however, for identifying 
this ruler with Hystaspes, the father of Darius. Such identi- 
fication has indeed been made by Ammianus Marcellinus 
(22. 6. 32), and it has met with support from some; but the 
doubt on this point which was raised as early as Agathias 
(2. 24) is unquestionably well founded.! 

Zoroaster’s Native Place. — The question of Zoroaster’s native 
place is a subject that has been much debated. The problem 
is more complicated because of the uncertainty which exists as 
to whether his birthplace and early home was necessarily also 
the chief scene of the teacher’s activity. The whole matter 
may be brought under the heading of two inquiries: first 
(1), whether the home of Zoroaster is to be placed in the west 
of Iran, in Atropatene and Media; second (2), whether 

Adv. Gentes, 1.5; Orosius, Hist. contra 1 Fuller discussion in West, SBE. 
Paganos (Ninus) ; Suidas, s.v. Zoro- xlvii. Introd. p. 38, and Jackson, On 
astres. See Appendix IL,V. Somein- the Date of Zoroaster, JAOS. xvii. 
cidental allusions connect Zoroaster’s 17; Appendix II. below. 

name with Abraham, Nimrod, Bel, 

Balaam. These also are quoted in 

Appendix II., V. below. 


ancient Media was the scene also of his ministry, or are we 
to accept the claim of Bactria and eastern Iran? Possibly 
he may have taught in both lands. The subject is of interest, 
moreover, in the light of the recent important developments 
with regard to Buddha’s birthplace, and the archeological finds 
which have lately contributed so much towards establishing the 
exact location where the gentle teacher of India was ushered 
into the world. Accordingly, the problem of Zoroaster’s native 
place and then the possible scene of his ministry is discussed 
with considerable fulness in Appendix IV; it suffices merely 
to summarize here. 

If we omit the question of his ministry for the moment and 
speak simply of his native place, we may say without much 
hesitation, that the consensus of scholarly opinion at this time 
is generally agreed in believing that Zoroaster arose in the 
west of Iran. Oriental tradition seems to be fairly correct in 
assigning, as his native land, the district of Atropatene or 
Adarbaijan, to the west of Media, or even more precisely the 
neighborhood about Lake Urumiah. There is ground, further- 
more, for believing in the tradition which says that his 
father was a native of Adarbaijan, —a region of naphtha wells 
and oil fountains, — and that Zoroaster’s mother was from the 
Median Ragha (Rai)— consult the map at the end of this 
volume. Explicit references for these statements will be 
found in Appendix IV. For the other problem, the one 
relating to the possible scene or scenes of Zoroaster’s ministry, 
reference must be made to the extended discussion in the 
same appendix below. Here we need only bear in mind that 
there is every reason to believe that Zoroaster, for a time at 
least, wandered about in his missionary labors, and there is 
certainly a strong tradition to the effect that during the two 
opening years of his prophetic career he was for a while in the 
east, in Seistan, and also in Turan—see Map. One is re- 
minded of the peregrinations of the Buddha. 

Zoroaster’s Ancestry and His Family. — The subject of gene- 



alogy has not much interest for most readers, and a treatment of 
it is apt to recall the ‘ begat’ chapters of the Biblical patriarchs. 
Nevertheless Zoroaster’s line is not without importance, and it 
deserves to receive attention, as much as would the descent of 
Mohammed or of Buddha. If Indian legend and tradition in 
the case of the great Ganges teacher ascribes exalted origin from 
the princely family of the Sakyas, Iranian story is no less suc- 
cessful, for its part, in tracing Zoroaster’s descent from a sort 
of royal Davidic line that ends in the house of Manishcihar, 
sovereign of Iran,! or ascending still farther back through the 
forty-fifth generation to Gayomart, the Iranian Adam, the father 
of all mankind.? The Prophet’s more immediate ancestors are 
often referred to. Pourushaspa, the father, is mentioned several 
times in the Avesta and is frequently referred to in the Pahlavi 
texts and in the later Zoroastrian literature. The name of 
Zoroaster’s mother is preserved in an Avestan fragment as 
Dughdhéva (Phl. Dighdavé, Dikdav or Diktatbd, Mod. 
Pers. Dughdt).? The name of Zoroaster’s great-grandfather 
Haécat-aspa is mentioned in the Avesta (Ys. 46. 15; 53. 3), 
as is also the latter’s sire Cikhshnush or Chakhshni (cf. Yt. 13. 
114); and Spitaéma, the heros eponymus of the family, is refer- 
red to in the Gatha allusions to the Prophet’s kinsman Spita- 
maonho (Ys. 46. 15), whence his own appellative Zarathushtra 
Spitama, Zoroaster the Spitamid. The locus classicus for tra- 
cing Zoroaster’s lineage is Bundahishn 32. 1-2; it is supple- 
mented by the Pahlavi Dinkart 7. 2, 70, the Selections of Zat- 
sparam, 13, 6, and by the Vijirkart-i Dinig; compare also the 
Nirang-i Boidatano va Yatkartano (Grundriss ii. 115). The 

10n Manishcihar, cf. Peshotan xxiv. 302; xxxvii. 444, 469, 483, 
Dastur, Dinkart translated, vol. vii.  xlvii. (eight times); Darmesteter, Le 
p. 429; cf. Yasht 18. 181. ZA. iii. 151; Zartusht Namah, p. 480 

? Dk. 7. 2. 70, Zsp. 18. 5-6 ; cf. West, (in Wilson, Parsi Relig.) and Shahras- 
SBE. xlvii. pp. 34, 140, and Grundriss tani (see Appendix IV.). 

d. tran. Phil. ii. 95. #Consult West, Pahlavi Texts 

3 Hatokht Nask Frag. cited in Sad translated, SBE. v. 140-141 3 Grun- 
Dar 40. 4 et passim ; cf. West, SBE.  driss, ii. 94, 95, and SBE. xlvii. 34, 


same ancestral tree, but with the names disguised or misread, 

is found in Masudi.! 

The line as far back as Manush-cithra 

may be worth recording from the accessible sources. 

Dk, Bindahishn, and Vijirkart-i Masidi. 
ef. Zsp. Dinig. 
Maniishcihar ? Manishcihar, Manishihar, ( re spd ) 
Dirasrobd Dirasrob . Dirashrin . (sry) 
Airic or Rajan... . Rajishn Iraj. .. ( c ” 
Nayazem or Ayizem?. . Nayazem . Haizem . (py) 
Vaédisht or Vidasht . . Vaédisht Vandast. (camo 5) 
Spitam or Spitaman Spitamans Isbiman . (yen!) 
Hardhar (Kharedhar) . Haridar Hardar . Gor) 
Arejadharshn or Hardarshn. | Hardrshn . Arhadas (ywdy!) 
Paétrasp or Paitirasp . Paétirasp . Batir. ( sl) 
Cikhshnish or Cakhshniish* | Cikhshnush Hakhish (yaadte) 
Haécatispo Haécatasp . Hajdasf . (awd) 
Urugadhasp or Aurvadasp® . | Urvandasp Arikdastf (Wid!) 
Patiragtarasp6 or Paitirasp®. | Paitirasp Fadarasf (Wim ds) 
Poriishispd Porishisp6 Birshast (Wimtinye ) 
Zaratiisht . Zaratusht . Zaraidusht . (emstohy) 

189. Seelikewise Windischmann, Zor. 
Studien, p. 160; Spiegel, Hranische 
Alterthumskunde, i. 687; de Harlez, 
Avesta traduit, Introd. p. ccxxviii ; 
Justi, TIranisches Namenbuch, p. 

1 Les Prairies dor, ii. 123, tr. Bar- 
bier de Meynard ; cf. Gottheil, Refer- 
ences to Zoroaster, p. 34. : 

2 Avesta, Yt. 18. 181, Manus-ci6ra. 

8 Cf. also Dinkart 9. 33. 5. 

4 Cf. Avesta, Yt. 18. 114, Caysni. 

5 Zsp. 13. 6 has Ahurvalaspo. 

6 Dinkart, Bk. 7. 2. 3,70; Bd. 82. 
1; West, Grundriss, ii. 95, SBE. xvii. 
84, v. 140; or Purtaraspo, Zsp. 18. 6, 
op. cit. p. 189. 


Zoroaster’s grandfather on the maternal side, according to 
Dk. 7. 2. 3 and Bd. 32. 10, was Frahim-rvana-zoish or Frahim- 
rava; his maternal grandmother may have been called Frénd 
(Zsp. 13. 1), but the passage is not quite clear. There are several 
allusions to his paternal uncle Arasti and to the latter’s son, 
Maidhyoi-maonha, who was Zoroaster’s cousin and first disciple 
(Yt. 13. 95; Bd. 32. 2 et passim). According to the Selec- 
tions of Zat-sparam, Zoroaster was one of five brothers. The 
passage states: ‘Of the four brothers of Zaratisht the names 
of the two before Zaratusht were Ratishtar and Rangishtar, 
and of the two after him Notariga and Nivétish.”1_ But in each 
case the reading of the Pahlavi word is uncertain. <A tabular 
statement of the Sage’s family and kin may now be presented.? 

x m. Frahim-rvan3-zdish 
(Frén6 ?) (Bd. 32.10; Dk. 

| z 
Dughdhova m. Pourushaspa (Z.’s father) Arasti m. x 

l | | 
2 elder Zarathushtra 2 younger 

Maidhydi-maonha m. x 
brothers brothers 
(Yt. 13. 106) 

Tradition furthermore states that Zoroaster was thrice mar- 
ried and had several sons and daughters, and that the three 
wives survived him (Bd. 32. 5-7; Vjkt. pp. 21-22). The 
names of the first wife and of the second are not preserved,’ but 
the latter is said to have been a widow. By the first, or privi- 

1Zsp. 15. 5. West’s translation, 
SBE. xlvii. 144; cf. also SBE. v. 187, 

2 Cf. also Justi, Namenbuch, p. 398. 

8 See the information and correc- 
tions given by West, Pahlavi Texts 
Translated, SBE. v. 142-143, notes, 
and Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, s.v. 

‘Urwarwija,’ p. 884; Hilty, Zoroaster 
und sein Zeitalter, p. 98, Liineburg, 
1836. West (SBE. V. 148, n. 1) 
refers to the apparent misinterpreta- 
tion which gives the names of Zoro- 
aster’s first two wives as Urvij and 
Arnij-bareda; consult his reference, 
especially as to the second wife. 


leged wife, the Prophet had one son and three daughters. 
Their names are several times mentioned in the Avesta and in 
Pahlavi literature. One of the daughters, Pourucista (Ys. 53. 
3), was married to the wise Jamaspa. The son Isatvastra, by 
the second wife, became head of the priestly class and had a 
son, Ururvija, who is also mentioned by name (Bd. 382. 7). 
Isatvastra was likewise made guardian of the children of his 
father’s second wife who had borne two sons, Urvatatnara and 
Hvarecithra, to Zoroaster (Yt. 13. 98). These two sons 
were respectively regarded as the head of the agricultural class 
and of the warrior caste. The third wife, Hvévi, was the 
daughter of Frashaoshtra and niece to Jamaspa, attachés to the 
court of Vishtaspa (Yt. 13. 189; 16.15; Dk. 9. 44. 16; 9. 69. 
58). By Hvovi no earthly children were born, but she is the 
noble consort from whom ultimately are descended the future 
millennial prophets, Ukhshyat-ereta, Ukhshyat-nemah, and the 
Messiah, Saoshyant (Yt. 13. 128). The marvels of this preter- 
natural conception are narrated in detail in Bd. 32. 8-9, cf. Yt. 
13. 62, 128, 141-2, and elsewhere. The later descent from 
Zoroaster’s line may thus be tabulated: — 

Children by Children by Children by 
first wife second wife Hyvovi 
x m. Isatvastra (son) Hvarecithra (son) (Not yet born) 
Fréni (daughter) Urvatatnara (son) Ukhshyat-ereta 
Thriti (daughter) Ukhshyat-nemah 
Pourucista (daughter) Saoshyant 


A genealogical tree of the Hvévid family into which the 
Prophet married and into which family he gave a daughter in 
marriage will make clearer some of the connections and alli- 
ances that appear in the Avesta; it is therefore given on the 
following page : — 

1Ys, 28. 2, 26.5; Yt. 18. 98, 189; Bd. 82. 5 et passim ; Zsp. 28. 11. 


Frata or Parata1 

Parshatgao Ashak? 

Cigav? Tahmasp ? 
Hvogva Nariman (al. Asnas) 

Pakhad (al. Pidha?)? Sama Keresaspa 

Frashaoshtra Jamaspa Avaraoshtri 
I det ale : 
Hushyaothna Hvadaéna Hvovi Hanhaurvao Vohunemah 
Vareshna Gaévani 

Summary. — After noticing in this chapter the fact that 
Zoroaster was an Iranian, we briefly followed in outline the 
position of Iran in ancient history. We next saw that the 
oldest form of Zoroaster’s name is given as Zarathushtra. 
The statement was then made that we have reason for believ- 
ing that he arose in western Iran (Atropatene and Media) 
about the middle of the seventh century B.c. The scene of 
his ministry is a question that was reserved for later discussion. 
As was shown, a long line of ancestry can be traced out for 
him, and we know something of his immediate family through 
tradition. But we bid adieu to these external matters to deal 
with his life itself. 

1 After Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 2 Not mentioned in the Avesta. 


yehe zqbaéca vaxsaéca 

uxstatatam nimravanta 

vispd spanto-daté daman. 
—Avesta, Yt. 18. 93. 


Introduction, Prophecies of the Coming of Zoroaster. — The 
coming of a prophet or great teacher seems at times in the 
world’s history to be looked for instinctively. We may see 
the truth of this statement exemplified in our own Gospels 
when the disciple asks of the Saviour, ‘Art thou he that 
should come, or do we look for another?’ And when a 
blessed Master is at last recognized, the generations vie with 
each other in repeating how,his advent was foretold. In the 
Zoroastrian scriptures, passages are adduced to show that the 
Sage’s coming had been predicted ages before. In the Aves- 
tan Gathas and in Pahlavi literature the soul of the mythical 
primeval bull, three thousand years before the revelation of the 
religion, beholds a vision in heaven of the fravasi or ideal 
image of the prophet Zarathushtra, Zaratisht, that is to be.? 
Again, in the golden age of the world, King Yim (Jemshéd) 
forewarns the demons of their destined defeat and overthrow 

1 Ys, 29.8; Bd. 4. 4-5; cf. Dk. 7. 2. 67. 


at the birth of the glorious manchild.!_ Lastly, in the reign of 
the patriarch ruler, Kai Us, three centuries before the actual 
appearance of the hallowed saint, a splendid ox is gifted with 
the power of speech, so as to foretell the promised revelation 
which the future shall receive from the lips of Zaratiisht.? 

Miracles before His Birth. — From the Avesta we also learn 
that the divine sacerdotal and kingly Glory (hvaranah) is 
handed onward from ruler to ruler, and from saint to saint, 
ever with a view to its illumining ultimately the soul of the 
inspired one.? It is ordained of heaven, moreover, that this 
Glory shall be combined with the Guardian Spirit (frava3) 
and the Material Body, so as to produce from this threefold 
union the wonderful child.* 

First, the Glory descends from the presence of Attharmazd, 
where it abides in the eternal light; it passes through heaven 
down to earth; and it enters the house where the future Zara- 
tisht’s mother herself is about to be born. Uniting itself with 
her presence it abides in her until she reaches the age of fifteen, 
when she brings forth her own first-born, the prophet of Iran. 
But before this event, as a girl she became so transcendent in 
splendor by reason of the miraculous nimbus of the Glory that 
resided in her, that, at the instigation of the demons, her 
father is convinced that she is bewitched, and he sends her 
away from his home to the country of the Spitamas, in the dis- 
trict of Alak or Arak, to the village of Patiragtaraspd, whose 
son Pértishaspo (Av. Pourushaspa) she marries. The Glory is 
therefore upon earth, ready to appear in the form of man. 
Such at least is the scriptural account found in the Dinkart.5 

Second, the archangels Vohiman and Ashavahisht, descend- 
ing from heaven, convey to earth another of the three elements, 

1 Dk. 7. 2. 59-61; see West's trans- 7. 14. 1 (SBE. xxxvii. p. 31); Dk. 

lation, SBE. xlvii. 31. 7. 2. 2 seq.; Zsp. 13. 4 (SBE. xlvii. 
2 Dk. 7. 2. 62-69; Zsp. 12. 7-25. pp. 17, 139). 
8 Yt. 19. 25-90; cf. also West, SBE. 5 Dk. 7. 2. 4-11; see West, SBE. 
xlvii. Introd. § 30. xlvii. 18-20. 

4 Cf. Spend Nask Summary in Dk. 


the Guardian Spirit (Phi. fravdhar, Av. frava3t), bearing it in 
a stem of the Hom-plant, the height of a man. For a time 
this precious stem is placed in the nest of two birds whose 
young have been devoured by serpents: it protects the brood 
and kills the reptiles. Thus it continues as a talisman in the 
keeping of the birds,! until required again by the archangels, 
and until Porishaspd (Pourushaspa), who meanwhile had mar- 
ried Diktaib (Dughdhova), meets with the two presiding ser- 
aphim ‘in the cattle-pasture of the Spitamas’ and receives 
from them the cherished rod, which he gives to his wife to pre- 
serve. Much of all this, it is true, has a mythical ring or an 
allegorical note. 

Third, the Substantial Nature (Phl. gohar), or material 
essence, which completes the holy triad, is miraculously com- 
bined with the elements of milk, through the agency of water 
and the plants, or through the archangels Khurdat and Murdat. 
The demons vainly seek to destroy this ;? but the milk is mixed 
with Hom and is drunk by the future prophet’s parents. In 
this roundabout way the Pahlavi text accounts for the com- 
bination of the three elements, the glory, the spirit, and the 
body, and the child is conceived, despite the machinations of 
the demons.‘ Throughout the narrative the presence of an 
Oriental tendency to symbolism and ritualistic significance is 
manifest. The same story is repeated by the Arab writer 
Shahrastani (A.D. 1086-1153), and it is narrated again in the 

The pregnancy of the mother whose womb is hallowed to 
bear such fruit, is attended by occurrences equally remarkable 
and by circumstances astounding in their nature. These miracu- 
lous occurrences are told and interpreted in the Dinkart, Zat- 

1 Have we here a reflex of the an- 4 Dk. 7. 2. 86-72; Zsp. 13. 4. 
cient Sanskrit myth of Soma and the 6 Shahrastani, Uebersetzt, Haar- 
Eagle ? briicker, i. 276 seq.; Gottheil, Refer- 
2 Dk. 7. 2. 22-35. ences to Zoroaster, p. 48; Dabistan, 

3 Dk. 7. 2. 44-45. tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 212 seq. 


sparam, and Zartusht Namah, as well as recorded by Shahrastani 
and repeated in the Dabistan.! We at once recall parallels in 
other nations. 

Birth and Childhood of Zoroaster, according to Tradition. — 
The traditional source of information on the subject of the 
birth and early life of the Prophet, was originally the Spend Nask 
of the Avesta, which gave an account of the first ten years of 
Zoroaster’s existence. Unfortunately this Nask has been lost ; 
but its substance is worked into the Pahlavi literature, as is 
known from the summaries of the Nasks that we have in 
Pahlavi and in Persian ;2 and doubtless much of the actual 
material from it is preserved in the Dinkart, in the Selections 
of Zat-sparam, and in the Modern Persian Zartusht Namah.? 
These works stand to Zoroastrianism somewhat as the Lalita 
Vistara to Buddhism. The general statements which are made 
in the following pages are based upon them, unless otherwise 
indicated, and the material they contain is supplemented by 
incidental allusions in such writers as Shahrastani or in the 
Dabistan which draw from like sources. 

These accounts of the birth and early life are largely legendary 
and they are colored by fancy. Some of them surpass in 
power of vivid imagination the stories that have gathered 
around Zoroaster’s miraculous conception. But that need not 
awaken surprise. Legends have grown up about the birth 
and youthful years of Buddha,‘ and miraculous incidents are 
connected with the Mosaic Lawgiver. Persia is not behind in 

1 Dk. 7. 2. 53-55 ; Zsp. 14. 1-5; ZtN. 
tr. Eastwick (Wilson, Parsi Religion, 
p. 480-3). 

2Dk. 8. 14. 1-2; 9. 24. 1-3; Pers. 
Riv. 2. 18; Din-Vijirkart, 13; see West, 
Pahlavi Terts translated, in SBE. 
Xxxvil. pp. 31, 226-9, 425, 444, 469; 
also Shahrastani, Uebersetzt, Haar- 
briicker, i. 276; Gottheil, References 
to Zoroaster, p. 48; cf. next note. 

8 Yor translations, see West, SBE. 
vols. xxxvii. and xlvii. and Zartusht 
Namah, tr. by Eastwick in Wilson, 
Parsi Religion, pp. 475-522. Con- 
stant use has been made of these 

*See Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 82 
seq. (Eng. translation) ; Warren, Bud- 
dhism in Translations, p. 38 seq. 

5 Some have even claimed that Mo- 


In every religion the birth of its founder must be heralded 
by supernatural signs and omens and accompanied by wonders 
and prodigies. A star appears, a comet blazes forth, or the 
earth isshaken. In the Avesta all nature rejoices at Zoroaster’s 
birth ; the very trees and rivers share in the universal thrill of 
gladness that shoots through the world ; while Ahriman and the 
terror-stricken demons take flight into the depths of earth.} 
His birth, moreover, is in answer to pious prayers addressed by 
his father to Haoma.? His fitness for the prophetic mission 
which he is to undertake is divinely recognized, and Ahura 
Mazda himself selects this inspired being as his own messenger 
to the world.2 So much for the Avesta. The Pahlavi writings 
also do not tire of recounting how the fiends contended to pre- 
vent his birth; how a divine light shone round the house ; 
and a shout of joy arose when life triumphed ; and especially 
they recount the loud laughter which burst from the child as 
he came into the world. The tradition that Zoroaster laughed 
instead of crying at his birth is as old at least as Pliny; 

it is current in Eastern writers and elsewhere.® 

Pliny at the 

same time adds that the child’s brain throbbed so violently as 

saic influences were at work in the 
Zoroastrian legends. See Kohut, Zo- 
roastrian Legends and their Biblical 
Sources in the Independent (N.Y.), 
March 19, 1891. 

1 Yt. 18. 93-94; Ys. 9.15; Yt. 17. 

2 Ys. 9. 12-15; compare what was 
noted of the Hiém-branch above. 

3 Ys. 9. 12-14; Yt. 17. 18-20; Ys. 
29.8; Yt. 5. 17-18. 

4Dk. 8. 14.2; 9. 24. 1-10 (West, 
SBE. xxxvii. 31, 226-9, 469); and Dk. 
7.2. 56-8 ; 5.2.2; Zsp. 18. 1-3 (West, 
SBE. xvii. 30, 122, 189); and Shah- 
rastani (Gottheil, References, p. 49). 
Other references below. The Apocry- 
phal N. T. Protoevang. 14. 11-12, and 
I. Infancy, 1. 10, give a legend of our 

Lord’s birth in a cave which is divinely 
illuminated. In the Sanskrit Hathda- 
saritsagara (i, 325, transl. Tawney), 
the room in which a wonderful child 
is born is illuminated by a strange 

5 Dk. 7. 3. 2 and 25; Dk. 5. 2.5; 
Zsp. 14. 12 and 16; cf. West, SBE. 
xlvii. pp. 35, 41, 123, 142, 148; ZtN. 
p. 483; Shahrastani (Haarbriicker, i. 
277, Gottheil, References, p. 49) ; Da- 
pistan, i. p. 219, Mirkhond, tr. Shea, 
p. 286. Also Pliny, HN. 7. 16. 15; 
Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades ; 
Augustine, de Civ. Dei, 21. 14; all 
cited below in Appendix V., VI. See 
likewise preface to the Icelandic Snorra 
Edda (Jackson, PAOS. xvi. p. cexxvi. 
March, 1894. See Appendix VI.). 


to repel the hand laid upon his head—a presage of future 
wisdom ! 

Demons and wizards—for all the opponents of Zoroaster 
are conceived to be such — instinctively now foresee their des- 
tined defeat and ruin and Zoroaster’s own glorious ascendency.! 
They seek accordingly to compass the young child’s death. 
They fail in their efforts just as the powers of evil had already 
failed when they strove to prevent his coming into the world. 
The heretical Kavis and Karpans (Phl. Kigs and Karaps), 
who are apparently idolatrous priests,? are his especial foes. 
The Turanian Karap Dirasr6b6 (Dirasariin, Diiransariin) is the 
Herod of the day. His wicked partner and villanous accom- 
plice is one Bratrdk-résh, whose name is ultimately connected 
with Zoroaster’s death when the Prophet was of advanced age.* 
Bratrék-résh is one of five Karap brothers: the names of the 
quintette are given as Brat-rikhsh, Brat-royishn, Brat-résh the 
Tar (or Tuir-i Bratrodk-résh), Hazan, and Vadast.6 The name 
of this Bratrok-résh (or Bratar-vakhsh) occurs comparatively 
often in Pahlavi literature at least and it appears under a vari- 
ety of forms.6 The machinations of Dirasrob6 are particu- 
larly violent. It is only the intervention of a divine provi- 
dence that saves the little Zaratiisht, while still an infant in 
the cradle, from having his head crushed in or twisted off by 
this fiendish man, or that wards off a pogniard stroke from the 
same hand which becomes withered as a punishment for its wicked 
attempt.’ Some of the resemblances between this monstrous 
ruler and Pharaoh or Herod would not be uninteresting to 
trace if there were opportunity. 

1 vd. 19. 46, and elsewhere. 128 (d). Perhaps a descendant of 

2See West’s note in SBE. xlvii. 19. 

8Dk. 7. 3. 4-41, etc; cf. Justi, 
Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 87, ZtN. p. 
484, and see West, SBE. xlvii. 175 

4 This would assign to Bratrdk-résh 
an extraordinary longevity. See p. 

his is referred to. 

5 Zsp. 15. 3; cf. Zsp. 17. 1 (West, 
SBE. xvii. 143. 147). The reading of 
the names is not absolutely certain. 

§ See Justi, Namenbuch, p. 71. 

7Dk. 7. 3. 5-6; 5. 8, 2; Zsp. 15. 
2-3; ZtN. p. 484; Dabistan, i. p. 219. 


The malicious Diirasrdébé, moreover, is even successful for a 
time in making Porushaspo afraid of his own son,! so that he 
does not prevent the machinations of those who are plotting 
against the young child’s life. No angel is sent from heaven 
to tell his parents to take the child into another land. Four 
separate attempts at least are made to destroy the babe in spite 
of the mother’s watchful alertness. An attempt is made, and 
not without the father’s connivance, to burn the infant in a 
huge fire; but its life is saved by a miracle? An endeavor 
is made by the sorcerers to have the babe trampled to death by 
a herd of oxen; the leading ox stands over the tiny prodigy 
and prevents it from perishing beneath the feet of the herd.? 
The same experiment is repeated with horses; the babe is res- 
cued in the same marvellous manner. Even wolves whose 
young have been killed do not harm a hair of the divine child’s 
head; in their very den and lair he is suckled by a sheep.® 
The lion shall lie down with the lamb! In all these accounts, 
idealization is evidently at work. But after all we may per- 
haps imagine that a rationalistic background of truth possibly 
lies at the basis of each of these hairbreadth escapes of child- 
hood’s days magnified by coming ages. The allusion to expo- 
sure to a wolf throws light at least upon the conditions in the 
time at which the accounts were written. 

Zoroaster’s Youth and Education. — Before the boy’s seventh 
year, his father Pirshasp (as the Zartusht Namah calls him), 
knowing that even the demons and wizards® had predicted a 
great future for the youth, places the lad under the care of a 
wise and learned man, as the Zartusht Namah narrates.? The 

1Dk. 7. 8. 7-8 seq.; Zsp. 16. 3-4; 5 Dk. 7. 8. 15-19; Dk. 5. 2.4; Zsp. 
Dabistan, i. p. 219. 16. 8-11; ZtN. pp. 486-7; Dab. i. pp. 
° Dk. 7. 3. 9-10; Zsp. 16.7; ZtN. 220-221. 
p. 484. 6 We may conceive how the false 
3Dk. 7. 8. 11-12; Zsp. 16. 4-5; teachers of the pre-Zoroastrian faith 
ZtN. p. 485; Dabistan, i. p, 220. were looked upon as devils and necro- 

4Dk. 7. 8. 18-14; Zsp. 16. 6-7; mancers. 
ZtN. p. 485-6 ; Dab. i. p. 220. 7 ZtN. p. 488. See also Dab. i. p. 224. 


venerable teacher’s name is then given as Burzin-kuris.} 
Pliny (CH. IV. 30. 2. 1) seems to have understood from Hermip- 
pus that the name of Zoroaster’s teacher was Aganaces (Azo- 
naces), but the passage is not quite clear. See below, Appen- 
dix V. $5. 

In connection with the subject of Zoroaster’s youthful days, 
it is proper to make passing mention at least of some Syriac 
and Arabic reports which connect his name with Jeremiah (or 
even with Ezra) and which make Zoroaster a pupil of Jere- 
miah, or even go so far as to identify him with Baruch, the lat- 
ter’s scribe.2 These biassed accounts assert that the pupil 
proved treacherous to his master and was cursed by God with 
the affliction of leprosy. These passages are quoted elsewhere? 
and the most important are given below in Appendix IV.; it is 
not necessary therefore to cite them here nor to repeat how the 
identification probably arose from an erroneous connection of 
the name Armiah (Jeremiah) with Urmiah (Urumiah), Zoro- 
aster’s presumed birthplace; nor is it necessary to add how the 
name of Zaratisht might become associated with the Hebrew 
sara‘ath (Zaraath) ‘leprosy,’* especially if Moslem influence 
wished to detract as much as possible from Persia’s Sage. 

The narratives given above are about all that we can gather 
in the way of tradition regarding Zoroaster’s early youth and 
training. It is to be regretted that we do not know more of 
the moulding forces that were instrumental in forming so cre- 
ative a mind; nor are we clear in every detail as to the condi- 
tions of the society in which he was brought up or in which he 
afterwards labored and taught. The picture which is some- 
times vaguely outlined by the Gathas or dimly suggested in 
the ‘Younger Avesta,’ or which one gains from a perusal of the 

1 Does this name contain a disguised 3 See especially Gottheil, References 
form of Skt. guru, ‘exalted teacher’? ? to Zoroaster in Arabic and Syriac Lit- 
On the form burzin, cf. Justi, Namen- erature (Drisler Classical Studies). 
buch, pp. 74, 490, and add pp. 168, 4Cf. Kohut, Zoroastrian Legends, 

499 (Kuru, Kurtis). the Independent, (N.Y.), March 19, 
2 See Appendix II. pp. 165-166. 1891. 


traditions in Pahlavi literature is not altogether a bright one, 
if we are to interpret, as one might interpret, the allusions to 
devil-worship and Daévas (which recall the present Yezidis) 
and the references to the slaughter and maltreatment of the 
kine, a lack of morality, falsehood, oath-breaking, and personal 
impurity. These are among the many things to which Zoroas- 
ter turned his attention when his reformatory work began. 

Tradition goes on to say that even when the lad had attained 
his seventh year,! the inimical Dirasrdb6 and Bratrok-résh still 
continue to connive against him, to harass and assail him. By 
magic practices they endeavor to daunt his spirit, and they even 
attempt to destroy his body by poison.? It is evident that the 
real opposition and struggle which was later to arise in the 
Prophet’s life between his own faith and the existing religion 
which it supplanted or reformed, is projected into the past and 
conceived of as a case of personal enmity and hatred already 
developed between the two representatives of the creed and the 
youthful Zoroaster. 

If we are to judge at least from the later literature of the 
Pahlavi, black art and magic practices, occult science and 
necromancy were the order of the time. We seem to have a 
sort of background of Doctor Faustus and the Europe of the 
Dark Ages. Even Porishaspd (Pourushaspa) himself is not 
free from the influence of the two sorcerers Dutrasrdbd and 
Bratrok-résh, with whom he not infrequently associates.? All 
these misguided persons, especially Dirasrobo, are openly rebuked 
by Zaratusht for their heresy, and are put to confusion by the 
young reformer when they endeavor to argue with him, much 
as Christ at the age of twelve disputes with the doctors in the 
temple, refutes their doctrines and vanquishes his opponents. 

13z.c. 653, according to West's cal- 8 Dk. 7. 3. 32-35. 
culations; see his table below, Ap- 4 Dk. 7. 3. 84-48 ; Zsp. 17. 1-6; 18. 
pendix III. 5-7; 19. 8; ZtN. pp. 489-90 ; Dab. i. 

2 Dk. 7. 8. 82-83; ZtN. pp. 488-9; pp. 228-9. 
Dab. i. pp. 226-7. 


The plotting Dirasrobé, as a punishment for his wickedness in 
endeavoring to thwart the righteous, comes to a violent end, as 
fearful as it is strange. The circumstances are described in 
the Dinkart and the Zat-sparam Selections.! Zaratisht is next 
confirmed in the true religious vows by assuming the ‘ Kusti,’ 
or sacred thread, at the age of fifteen ;? and when he attains 
this year of his life the wiles of the fiendish magicians are 
practically brought to naught.2 The age of fifteen years, even 
as early as the Avesta,‘ is regarded as an ideal age or the age of 
majority. A passage in the Pahlavi texts tells that when Zara- 
tusht attained his fifteenth year® he and his brothers ‘demanded 
a portion from their father, and their portions were allotted out 
by him.’& As a part of his share Zoroaster chooses a girdle; 
this signifies the sacred girdle of religion which he assumed. 

Period of Religious Preparation; from his Fifteenth to his 
Thirtieth Year. — From his fifteenth year to the age of thirty 
the tradition is more meagre in its details. The period is a 
time not so much of action as it is a time of religious prepara- 
tion. And yet the lapse of these fifteen years is not devoid of 
recorded incident. An occurrence to show Zaratiisht’s com- 
passionate nature and sympathy for the aged is quoted in the 
Selections of Zat-sparam, and another is cited to illustrate his 
generous disposition by his dealing out fodder, from his father’s 
supply, to the beasts of burden of others in a time of famine.’ 
The Zartusht Namah substantiates this reputation given to him 
for tender-heartedness and for goodness.8 

At the age of twenty the Zat-sparam recounts that ‘ abandon- 
ing worldly desires and laying hold of righteousness’ he de- 
parts from the house of his father and mother and wanders 

1Dk. 7. 3. 44-45; Zsp. 19. 7-8; 5 Bc. 645, according to West; see 
Dab. i. p. 229. Appendix III. below. 

2The Brahmanical cord of India 6 Zsp. 20. 1-4; West’s translation, 
shows that this investiture was an an- SBE. xlvii. 151. 
cient institution. 7 Zsp. 20. 4-6. 

8 Zsp. 20. 1-2; ZtN. p. 490. 8 ZtN. p. 490, Il. 11-25. 

4 Ys. 9. 6, 



forth, openly inquiring thus: ‘ Who is most desirous of right- 
eousness and most nourishing the poor?’ And they spoke 
thus : ‘He who is the youngest son of Atirvaité-dih, the Tur.’! 
Zoroaster goes ‘to that place’ and lends his codperation in 
serving the poor with food. A further example of his com- 
passion, as the text says, ‘not only upon mankind, but also upon 
other creatures,’ is given in the same passage. A starving bitch 
who has five puppies is seen by him whose soul is stirred by 
every misery. Zoroaster hastens to bring some bread to her, 
but the creature is dead before he reaches her.” 

Of a different nature, but none the less characteristic, is an 
incident narrated in the same connection in the chapter. The 
account declares that when he wished to marry, with the 
approval of his parents, and ‘his father sought a wife for him,’ 
he requested that the bride should show her face before being 
taken in marriage? This incident seems to point to an idea of 
social progress and reform in customs that is equally character- 
istic of the modern Parsis.* 

Zoroaster’s readiness to learn, moreover, and to profit by 
what is good even in the teachings of the bad is illustrated by 
additional actions. On one occasion, upon inquiring in open 
assembly, what may be accounted as the most favorable for the 
soul, he is told, ‘to nourish the poor, to give fodder to cattle, 
to bring firewood to the fire, to pour Hém-juice into water, 
and to worship many demons.’® Zoroaster gives proof of his 
eclectic tendency by performing the first four of these injunc- 
tions as worthy of a righteous man to do; but demon-worship 
he absolutely denounces. 

There are no other specific details in Pahlavi literature to fill 
up the period from this moment to the coming of the revelation 

1 Quotations from Zsp. 20. 8-9 27Zsp. 20. 10-11, SBE. xlvii. 153. 
(West’s translation). It is to be 8 Zsp. 20. 12-18. 

noted that the father Aurvaita-dang 4Qne need only read Dosabhai 
himself, as well as his son (‘progeny’), Framji Karaka’s History of the Parsis. 
is alluded to in Dk. 7. 4. 7-8, after Zo- 5 Zsp. 20. 14-16. 

roaster had received the revelation. 


when he was thirty years old. They were undoubtedly the 
years of meditation, reflection, and religious preparation that 
correspond to similar periods of divine communings and philo- 
sophic introspection in other religious teachers. Parallels might 
easily be cited. It is to this period of Zoroaster’s life that the 
Scholiast of the Platonic Alcibiades apparently alludes when 
he relates that Zoroaster kept silent for seven years ;! and it is 
referred to by Pliny in the statement that for twenty years 
Zoroaster lived in desert places upon cheese.? According to 
Porphyrius and Dio Chrysostom, he passed his time upon a 
mountain in a natural cave which he had symbolically adorned 
in a manner to represent the world and the heavenly bodies.® 
The mountain is illuminated by a supernatural fire and splen- 
dor. Lightnings and thunders were about the summit of Sinai 
also, and clouds and thick smoke shrouded its sides, while the 
base of the mountain quaked violently, when the voice of the 
Lord spoke unto Moses. The Avesta (Vd. 22. 19) mentions 
the ‘Forest and the Mountain of the two Holy Communing 
Ones’ — Ahura Mazda and Zarathushtra — where intercourse 
was held between the godhead and his prophetic representative 
upon earth. Kazwini calls this Iranian Sinai Mount Sabalin ;5 
Mirkhond similarly alludes to the mountains about the city of 
Ardabil, and adds a quotation that is evidently drawn from the 
Avestan allusion to the adjoining river Darej.6 A further 

1Schol. ad Alcib. p. 122, 5:4 rd roy ~=Nymph. 6. 7, Zwpodorpov avrodues 

Zwpodarpyy ¢' yeyevoudvoy éradv cwrh- 
ga; see below, Appendix V. §1. 

2 Pliny, 11. 42.97. A ‘desert with 
a temple for star-gazing’ is also men- 
tioned by Yakiit (vol. iii. p. 487), and 
this desert is called ‘ the desert of Zar- 
dusht, the head of the Magians’ (Got- 
theil, References, p. 47 n.). For the 
milk diet of Zoroaster, compare also 
Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv.4.1.1. See 
Appendix V. §§ 5, 6, for the quotations. 

3 Dio Chrysostom, Borysth. Orat. 
xxxvi, and Porphyrius de Antro 

orjratov év Tots wAnaloy Spect THs Tepal- 
dos. App. V. gives text in full. The 
passage is of special interest in regard 
to the Mithra cult, in which caves and 
mountains played a particular part. 
See Windischmann, Mithra, Abh. f. k. 
d. Morg. i. 62, Leipzig, 1857; also 
Zor. Stud. p. 312. 

4 Exodus xix. 8-18. Cf. also Spie- 
gel, EA. i. 697; and Darab Sanjana, 
Geiger’s Eastern Iranians, ii. 205. 

5 Gottheil, References, p. 40. 

6 Mirkhond, History of Persia, tr. 


suggestion on the localization is offered below. Magian wor- 
ship on the high mountains is familiar from the time of Herod- 
otus (1. 131 seq.) onward. 

This time of early retirement and seclusion must have been 
the period in which Zoroaster fought out the fight that raged 
in his own bosom and in which he began to solve the problem 
of life, the enigma of the world, and the question of belief, as 
his religion solved it. Here he doubtless began also to formu- 
late the first general truths out of which his religious system 
was evolved,” It is the stillness of the forest or of some lone 
retreat that lifts the soul into communion with nature and 
with God. The long retirement and separation from men, the 
hours of meditation, introspection and abstraction, had brought 
the material frame into complete subjection, no doubt, and had 
lifted the spiritual body into a realm of ecstatic rapture and 
transcendent exaltation which prepared it for prophetic vision. 
At this moment came the Revelation and the first of the seven 
hallowed manifestations which only a soul inspired by the fer- 
vor of religious ecstasy was entitled to peholg” 

Conclusion. — The first few years of the life of Zoroaster are 
represented by a series of miraculous events which tradition 
has fancifully colored. When he becomes of age he retires 
from the world for a number of years which were doubtless 
given to meditation and religious preparation. At thirty the 
Revelation comes, and he enters upon his ministry. 

Shea, p. 286, Zoroaster says ‘this vol- 22. 12); see Appendix IV. pp. 194, 
ume (the Zend-Avesta) has descended 195, 201. 

to me from the roof of the house 1QOne need only recall Behistan 
which is on that mountain (cf. Vd. (*Baghastana) ‘place of the God- 
19. 4. 11; Bd. 20. 32; 24. 15; Zsp. head.’ 



‘You long to chase, uncaptured yet, 
The young wild-fire of Shelley’s mind, 
And how your Zoroaster met 
His shadow in the garden, find.’ 

Intropuctory Survey— Sources oF INFORMATION AND WHAT WE GATHER 
AnuraA Mazpa—Serconp Vision, Vonu Manan—Screnes anp Circum- 
First Discrete —ConcLusion 

Introductory Survey. — The quickening spirit is now ready 
to bring forth the first fruit of its long labor. At the age of 
thirty comes the divine light of revelation, and Zoroaster enters 
upon the true pathway of the faith. It is in this year! that 
the archangel of Good Thought, Vohu Manah, appears unto 
Zarathushtra in a vision and leads his soul in holy trance into 
the presence of God, Ahura Mazda. The year of this first 
inspired revelation is known in the Pahlavi texts as ‘the Year 
of the Religion,’ and there are numerous allusions here and 
elsewhere to the fact that Zoroaster was thirty years of age at 
the time.” Parallels for the beginning of his ministry at this 

1 3.c. 630, according to tradition as. 2 Dk. 7. 3. 51; 8. 14.3; Zsp. 21.1; 
calculated by West, SBZ. xlvii.Introd. ZtN. p. 490; also Masidi, Prairies 
§ 55, and see Appendix III. below. d'Or, ii. p. 158, tr. Barbier de Mey- 



age are not far to seek. During the ten years that follow this 
apocalyptic vision, Zoroaster has seven different conferences 
with Ahura Mazda and the six Amesha Spentas. 

Many events occurred during this time, and a number of 
marvellous incidents are recounted in connection with this 
opening period of his prophetic career, as narrated in the Din- 
kart, Zat-sparam, Zartusht Namah, and elsewhere. His teach- 
ing does not seem at the outset to have met with favor. 
Reforms come slowly and the ground must be prepared. Ten 
years elapsed — years of wandering and struggle, of hope and 
dejection, of trial and temporary despair — before he won his 
first convert. This zealous adherent is his own cousin Maidh- 
yoi-maonha (Phl. Métyd-mah), who is often mentioned in 
the Avesta and other writings.! He is a very different char- 
acter from Buddha’s traitorous and schismatic cousin Deva- 
datta, and he stands as the St. John of Zoroastrianism. Finally, 
in the twelfth year of the Religion,? Kavi Vishtaspa (Phl. Kai 
Vishtasp, Mod. Pers. Gushtasp) is converted and becomes the 
Constantine of the Faith—the Raja Bimbisara, if not the 
Asoka, of Buddhism. After the king adopts the Creed, many 
conversions follow, and the Prophet’s own family, relatives, 
and friends are frequently referred to in the Avesta and else- 
where as having become faithful adherents and believers. 

All these events have so important a bearing that they must 
be discussed in detail. A sort of synoptic view may be gained 
by gathering together various pieces of the scattered material 
and by combining stray allusions into a connected narrative. 
A consecutive account of the occurrences is therefore here 
attempted, but it must frankly be stated that the exact 

nard; cf. JAOS. xvii. p.10; 1, 8,11; Syriac Book of the Bee (a.v. 

Platonic Alcibiades I, p. 122 (Zwpod- 1250), p. 81, ed. Budge, in Anecdota 

orpnv) pera XN’ xpbvous éényjoac0a TS  Oxoniensia, Semitic Series, Oxford, 

Baorhe? Tis 8Ans pidogoplas; see Ap- 1886. 

pendix V. § 1 (Plato) below. 2n.c. 618 of the tradition, West, 
1Cf. Yt. 13. 95; Ys. 51.19; Bd. SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appen- 

32. 2; Dk. 9. 44.19; Zsp. 21. 3; 28. dix III. below. 


sequence of events is sometimes difficult to determine with pre- 
cision. Caution may be used in accepting the results without 
qualification, as they cannot be freed from subjective tenden- 
cies. Nevertheless they represent in general outline the tra- 
dition. So much by way of introduction. 

Sources of Information and what we gather from them. — 
The sources from which we obtain material to fill up the first 
period after the Revelation, the ten or twelve years that 
elapsed until the meeting between Zoroaster and King Vish- 
taspa, and the latter’s conversion, are the same as have already 
been described. But now that we have reached the real 
period of Zarathushtra’s prophetic career this material may be 
augmented in a special manner by the Gathas or Zoroastrian 
Psalms. Like the Psalms of David these often indicate situa- 
tions or conditions in a more or less direct manner, so that 
they help very much in drawing inferences. 

From our various sources of information two facts may be 
gathered with certainty: one is, that after receiving the Reve- 
lation Zoroaster wandered about, as the dervishes of Iran still 
wander, going from place to place in search of a fruitful soil 
for his teaching; the other is, that during this period, like the 
prophets of old, he was inspired from time to time by supernat- 
ural visions and manifestations. The truth of both assertions 
is proved by the Avesta and the Pahlavi texts, and it is sub- 
stantiated by Arabic and Syriac writers.? 

The Arab writer Tabari, who calls Zoroaster a disciple of 
Jeremiah and speaks of him as a native of Palestine, goes on to 
state in the course of his history that ‘he wandered to Adar- 
baijan and preached there the Magian religion; and from there 
he went to Bishtasp (Vishtaspa), who was in Balkh.’* The 
chronicler Ibn al-Athir (a.D. thirteenth century), who incor- 

1 Among Avestan passages compare 2¥For the full quotation, see Got- 
Ys. 31. 8; 43. 5 seq. ; 46. 1 seq. and theil, References, p. 37, and compare 
others to be noted belowinconnection also Appendix IV.p.198 below, where 
with the Pahlavi and Arabic. comments are made. 


porated much of Tabari into his own work, is able to add that, 
preaching from his sacred book, the Avesta, ‘(Zardusht) went 
from Adarbaijan to Faris (Persia); but no one understood 
what was in it. Thence he wandered to India and offered it 
(the Avesta) to the princes there. Then he went to China and 
to the Turks, but not one of them would receive him. They 
drove him out from their country. He travelled to Ferghanah, 
but its prince wished to slay him.! | From there he fled and 
came to Bishtasp, son of Lohrasp (Aurvat-aspa), who com- 
manded that he be imprisoned. He suffered imprisonment for 
some time.’? This statement like the preceding is more fully 
discussed in Appendix IV. in its relation to the scene of Zoro- 
aster’s ministry. Such passages have the value at least of show- 
ing the existence of a tradition to the effect that Zoroaster 
wandered about as an itinerant teacher until fortune led him 
to Vishtaspa. Zoroaster was performing the part of one of 
those Athravan priests to whom the Avesta alludes as ‘coming 
from afar.’? Nor may his wanderings have been fruitless, for 
no doubt the seed that had been sown in these places did not 
prove barren but sprang up later when Zoroastrianism began 
to spread as the state religion over Ivan. 

But to return to Pahlavi literature and to Zoroastrian writ- 
ings. The Zartusht Namah says: ‘When Zoroaster attained 
his thirtieth year, he was relieved from danger and his works 
bare fruit. His heart was directed to Iran. He left his place in 
company with some others. Of those, some who were his rela- 
tions accompanied him on this journey.’* On the way the 
party passes through a sea whose waters are lowered by a mir- 
acle so as to allow a free crossing. They travel forward more 

1 Query. Have we here a reminis- 4 ZtN. p. 490. 
cence of Atirvaita-dang the Tir, Dk. 7. 5 ZtN. p. 490. This would be ap- 
4. 7-14? propriate to Lake Urumiah, judging 
2 Gottheil, References, p. 39. from the description given by Curzon, 

8 Cf. Eugen Wilhelm, Priester und Persia, i. 5838-5 ; Spiegel (#A. i. 694) 
Retzer im alten Eran, in ZDMG. xliv. suggests Lake Sevan. 


than a month until they reach the confines of Iran. This day, 
according to the Pahlavi Zat-sparam as well as the Zartusht 
Namah, was the last day ‘Anéran of the month Spendarmat 
(February 14~March 20) ’ — so precise is tradition.!| Their des- 
tination, as the Zat-sparam indicates, is the place ‘where 
people went from many quarters out to the place of festival 
(jasndear).’* The occasion is the celebration of the spring- 
tide festival. It seems to be a sort of annual religious convo- 
cation that they attend. We may remember in this connection 
that Gabriel revealed himself to Mohammed at the celebration 
of Ramadan. Thus Zoroaster, when halting in a plain of a river 
called Aévatak (one of the four branches of the Daitya), 
receives the first premonition and manifestation of what is to 
come. It is a vision of the approach of a victorious army 
headed by his cousin Métydmah coming northwards to join 

_ The Revelation — First Vision — Conference with Ahura 
Mazda. — The auspicious hour is at hand. The archangel 
Vohu Manah (Phi. Vohiiman) is to reveal himself to Zoroaster. 
At dawn on the forty-fifth day of the Prophet’s journey, or the 
15th instant (Dadv6-pavan-Mitro) of the month Artavahishtd 
(i.e. May 5) of the thirty-first year of the reign of Vishtasp,* 
the Revelation comes. Tradition takes delight in making 
exact statements. The scene where this event occurred is laid 
on the banks of the Daiti (Av. Daitya) —the Jordan of Zoroas- 
trianism —a river in Airan-Véj or Adarbaijan.6 The position 

1Zsp. 21.1; ZtN. pp. 490-1. On 4 Artavahisht corresponds to April 

the correspondence between the month 
Spendarmat and our calendar, see 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 38. 

2Zsp. 21. 1 (West’s translation), 
SBE. xlvii. 155. So also ZtN. pp. 
490-91, and Dabistan, i. p. 230. 

8 Zsp. 21. 2, 3; ef. Dk. 7. 8. 51. 
The Zartusht Namah (p. 491) is more 
elaborate in its details. Notice also 
the Dabistan, i. pp. 230-1. 

20-May19. The day, therefore, would 
be May 5. On the month, compare 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 33-384. The 
year would be z.c. 630. See West, 
SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 45, and Appen- 
dix III. below. 

5 Zsp. 21. 4; 22.2; ZtN. p. 491. 

8 Dk. 7. 3. 51; 8. 60; 9. 23; Zsp. 
21. 4, ‘the Daitih, because it is the 
river of the conference, etc.’ ; Zsp. 21. 


of this river is discussed below in Appendix IV. p. 211; it 
is represented perhaps by the modern Kizel Uzen and its tribu- 
taries, which merges into the Spéd River of Adarbaijan. It is 
crossed by Zoroaster at four different depths, or more probably he 
fords four different streams. These crossings symbolically repre- 
sent four different eras in the history of the religion.! At the 
dawn, therefore, of the day named, as he stands upon the bank of 
the third channel, Aévatak, of the river Daiti, after bringing up 
the holy Hom-water, Zaratiisht suddenly beholds a glorified 
image of the archangel Vohtiman (Good Thought) coming 
toward him from the south, and bearing in his hand a glossy 
staff — ‘the spiritual twig of the religion (maindg tak-t dénd).’? 
In a brief space of time, as he reaches the fourth affluent, 
Aishan-rit, of the good Daiti, the image of Vohiiman becomes 
a realization, and a transcendent figure of colossal proportions, 
‘nine times as large as a man,’ rises before him, reminding us 
somewhat of the great image that arose before Daniel, by the 
side of the river which is Hiddekel.2 Vohtman opens his lips 
and begins to question the enrapt seer, — this situation is alluded 
to in the Avestan Gathas, — and after bidding him to lay aside 
his ‘garment’ (or the vesture of his material body), the seraphic 
messenger leads away his soul in ecstatic trance into the glorious 
and dazzling presence of Attharmazd and the Amshaspands.‘ 
No sooner does Zaratusht enter this radiant assembly than 
he ceases to behold ‘his own shadow upon the ground, on 
account of the great brilliancy of the archangels’; and, as the 
words of the text continue, ‘the position of the assembly was in 

18, ‘the position of the assembly was 8 Dk. 7. 8. 54; Zsp. 21. 8-9. Cf. 
in Iran, and in the direction of the Daniel x. 4-21. I am furthermore 
districts on the bank of the water ofthe indebted to Dr. Thomas Davidson, 
Daitih’ (West’s translation, SBE. through my friend Mr. William Ross 

xlvii. 157). Again, ZtN. p. 491. Warren, of New York, for some inter- 
1 Zsp, 21.6-7 ; ZtN. pp. 491-2; Dab. esting hints and suggestions as to 
i, 231-2. Daniel parallels. 

2Dk, 7. 8. 51-53; Zsp. 21. 2, 5, 6 4 Compare Ys. 48. 5 seq. with Dk. 7. 
(West) ; ZtN. p. 492; Dab. i. 232-3. 8. 55; Zsp. 21. 9-10. 


Jran, and in the direction of the districts on the bank of the 
water of the Daitih.’! He offers homage to Atharmazd and 
the Amshaspands, saying : ‘Homage to Atharmazd, and homage 
to the archangels’; and then, as the passage adds, ‘he went 
forward and sat down in the seat of the enquirers.’? The door 
of heaven having thus been opened, and the favored of the 
godhead having been ushered in, the first and most important 
of all the conferences is begun. The Supreme Being himself 
presides; the Prophet is instructed in the great cardinal 
doctrines of the Faith, by the Omniscient Wisdom ; and thrice 
in the same day the beatific vision is repeated. Marvellous 
signs are shown unto Zoroaster, and he is initiated into sublime 
secrets by ordeals which symbolize future epochs and crises in 
the history of the Creed. The circumstances of the first vision 
of God are at least hinted at in the Gathas,® which makes us 
still more regret the loss of the original Nasks; but the details 
are elaborated in Pahlavi literature and in Persian Zoroastrian 
writings which are probably based upon the older material.® 

The Next Two Years— Zoroaster begins Preaching. — On the 
completion of the first conference and Zoroaster’s return to 
earth he proceeds to obey Atiharmazd’s command by teaching 
and prophesying, for the next two years, to the ruling heretical 
priests, Kigs and Karaps, or the Kavis and Karpans, so often 
mentioned in the Gathas. These are the ‘blind and deaf to 
the Law,’ as the commentary describes them. They are the 
accursed band of unbelievers, or, to use the words of one of 
the Gathas, — 

The Kavis and the Karpans have united themselves with power 
For destroying the life of man by their evil deeds; 

1Zsp. 21. 13 (West's translation) ; pare also Bahman Yasht 1. 1 seq. 

ef. also Dk. 7. 3. 60-61. (West, SBE. v. 191 seq.). 

2 Quotations from Zsp. 21. 14 5 Eg. Ys. 31. 8; 45. 8, and cf. 48. 
(West’s translation). 5 seq. 

8 Zsp. 21. 21. 6 Zsp. 21. 15-27; ZtN. pp. 492-5; 

4 Zsp. 21, 15-27 ; ZtN. p.494. Com- Dab. i. pp. 233-4, 


But their own soul and their religion will make them howl 
When they come where the Bridge of the Accountant hereafter is, 
To be inmates for ever and ever in the House of Falsehood. (i.e. Hell) !1 

To these Zoroaster preaches the Mazda-worshipping religion, 
and the necessity of anathematizing the Demons, of glorify- 
ing the Archangels, and practising the next-of-kin marriage 
(avétikdas).2 But in vain. 

Zoroaster seeks the Turanian sovereign Aidrvaita-dang, 
whose son has been mentioned above. This potentate, whom 
the Pahlavi text calls ‘scanty-giver,’ protects the Missionary, 
but refuses to be converted to the Creed and to follow its 
tenets, while his nobles are ‘clamorers for Zaratiisht’s death.’ 
Curses are heaped upon him as a consequence.® 

Zaratisht at the bidding of Atharmazd next visits a Karap, 
one Vaédvéisht by name, whom God has blessed with this 
world’s goods. He demands from the Karap a hundred youths, 
maidens, and teams of four horses, as a gift for the Almighty. 
An arrogant rebuff greets the Prophet of the Lord, and he flees 
for refuge to Attharmazd and receives from him the comforting 
assurance of the fearful punishment by death eternal which 
shall be summarily meted out upon the proud offender for his 
misdeed.4* And so also Elijah pronounced the doom of King 
Ahaziah because he recognized not that there isa God in Israel ! 

The fate of this Karap offender recalls some of the anathema 
passages in the Gathas and that visitation of wrath, both here 
and hereafter, which these Psalms call down upon powerful 
and stubborn unbelievers. To the same crew as Vaédvoisht 
doubtless belong that creature of Satan, Hunu, if the word is 
a proper name,‘ and the infidel Usij, who, like the Karap, is a 

1 Ys. 46.11; cf. also Ys. 32. 12, 15; 6 Ys. 51. 10; cf. Phl. version. So 
44. 20; 48.10; 51. 14. Mills, Zoroastrian Gathas, p. 354-355 ; 
2Dk. 7. 4. 1-5; cf. also West, Justi, in Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, p. 247, 
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 95. 234. Differently, Darmesteter, Le ZA. 
8 Dk. 7. 4. 7-20. i. 334; Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 
4 Dk. 7. 4. 24-28. 132, reads Hunustar. 

6 Eg, Ys, 44. 19. 


representative of heretical priestcraft,! or again such miscreants 
as the perverse Gréhma, Béndva, and Vaépya Kevina, who are 
anathematized in the Zoroastrian Psalms.? It was unhappy 
incidents like these and encounters with stiff-necked unbe- 
lievers who stopped their ears and refused to receive the 
healing word of the great Revelation, which the Prophet knew 
he was offering, that led to the embittered outpourings which 
we find in lines of the Gathas. Such rebuffs could not but 
produce times of despondency and distress, an echo of which 
we hear lingering in these Hymns. Zarathushtra more than 
once breaks forth with a cry against such rulers and powerful 
lords who use not their sovereignty for the protection of the 
righteous and for the advancement of virtue. If it were not 
so, he would not thus have found himself a wanderer knowing 
not whither to turn.? Yet hope is mingled with discouragement, 
and yet again despair with expectation. We next find Zoroas- 
ter a long way off to the south and southeast of Iran in the 
land of Seistan. Consult the Map. 

After failing with Vaédvdisht, Zaratiisht receives comfort 
and direction from Atharmazd. He takes his pilgrim path 
and missionary road to one ‘Parshat,’ a ruler whose title is 
given as ‘Tora’ (Bull), and who dwells ‘at the end of Sagas- 
tan’ (Seistan).* This territory borders upon Afghanistan and 
Baluchistan, and by the expression ‘end of Sagastan’ may be 
meant somewhere in the region of Ghazni. A curious story is 

1Ys. 44. 20; cf. Phi. version and Akhtydof Yt. 5. 82, and consult the 

Mills, Zoroastrian Gdathas, pp. 216- 
217 ; also Haug, Essays on the Parsis, 
p. 289 (38d ed.) ; Darmesteter, Le ZA. 
i, 294. 

2 Ys. 32. 12-14; 49. 1-2; 61. 12. 
It is not certain, however, that Gréhma 
and Béndva really are proper names. 
Vaépya Kevina, of evil fame, is called 
‘the Kai sodomite Akht, the heretic 
of dark existence,’ in Dk.9. 44.14; ef. 
Phi. Ys. 50 (51). 12, and compare also 

references given by Justi, Namenbuch, 
p. 13a, and TIranische Religion in 
Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, pp. 245-247. 

8 Compare, for example, the Kam 
nemoi zam Gatha, Ys. 46. 1 seq., and 
Geiger in Darab D. P. Sanjana’s Zara- 
thushtra in the Gathas, pp. 171-175. 

4 Dk. 7.4. 31. 

5 So Dr. West (letter), and see his 
note on Dk. 7. 4. 31. In this connec- 
tion we may recall a statement of Am- 


now told to show the virtue of Hdm-water from the Iranian 
Jordan, or river Daiti (Av. Daitya). With the name Parshat- 
tora we may compare the Avestan Parshat-gau.1 This 
Parshat begs for some of the holy Daitya water. From 
what follows it is evident that Zoroaster must have combined 
with the mission of gospel teaching some claims also to medical 
skill and practice in healing. He first bids Parshat to praise 
righteousness, to curse the demons, and openly to profess the 
Faith. Parshat carries out the former two injunctions, but he 
fails to comply with the third by adopting the Creed. Zara- 
tisht therefore does not fulfil his request, but passes on, and 
by means of the Hém-water which had not been bestowed upon 
the weakling, he cures a four-year-old bull that had lost its 
virile power.? The name of Parshat disappears from sight. 
The entire allusion to Seistan is of interest in connection 
with the Prophet’s wanderings to remote places and to lands 
far distant from his home. Two facts also are recalled by it : 
first, the territory of Seistan is the place of origin of the 
Kayanian dynasty to which King Vishtaspa belongs; second, the 
scene cannot have been far removed from that seat of stiff-necked 
unbelief, the home of Rustam. Certain it is, that one of Vish- 
taspa’s earliest missionary efforts after his own conversion was 
in the direction of this very scene where Zoroaster’s earlier 
endeavor had been unsuccessful with Parshat, the Bull, who 
dwelt ‘at the end of Sagastan.’® From what comes after, it 
appears that the Prophet now journeyed back, perhaps by a 
round-about way, towards his own home, for we next find him 

mianus Marcellinus, 28. 6. 33, which 
associates Zoroaster’s name with the 
northern territory of India— superio- 
vis Indiae ; see Appendix V. § 22, also 
p. 72, n. 8, p. 87, n. 1, and the remarks 
on ‘ White India’ in Appendix IV. p. 
207, n. 2. 

1 Yt. 13. 96.127, and see West’s note 
in SBE. xlvii. 57; cf. also Parshat- 
gavo in Dk. 9. 24.17, SBE. xxxvii. 230. 

2Dk. 7. 4. 29-35 (West, SBE. 
xlvii. 57-58). 

8 On the propaganda in Seistan, 
compare the Pahlavi treatise, ‘ Won- 
ders of Sagastan,’ referred to by West 
in Grundriss d. iran. Phitol. ii. 118, 
and translated for me by Dr. West; 
also the Shah Namah allusions; see 
below, Crusades (Chap. IX.). 


in the northwest, in the region to the south of the Caspian Sea 
(cf. Map), proceeding apparently on his way to his native land 
of Adarbaijan. 

Second Vision — Conference with Vohu Manah. — In the seven 
or eight years that follow the first vision of the empyrean 
throne and the first communing with Ormazd, Zoroaster enjoys 
the divine favor of six more conferences individually with the 
six Archangels. We know of these from fragmentary accounts 
of the lost Avestan Nasks, or sacred books, and we have descrip- 
tions of them in Pahlavi literature, especially in the Selections 
of Zat-sparam.t They are attested also in Yasna 43 of the 
Gathas and elsewhere in the Avesta. The interviews, ques- 
tionings, or revelations occur in different places and at different 
times. The period of the ten years from thirty to forty in the 
Prophet’s life was a time of great spiritual activity as well as of 
energetic labor. His soul lives partly in the world beyond the 
present; he sums up within himself the generation of those 
whose young men saw visions and whose old men dreamed 
dreams. As the veil is withdrawn from before his eyes the 
several Archangels appear at different times before his en- 
tranced sight. Each Amshaspand enjoins upon him special 
moral duties and practical obligations including particularly 
the guardian care of material or living things over which they 
preside in the physical world — the animals, fire, metals, earth, 
water, and plants. 

The first of these seraphic manifestations, or the second 
revelation from heaven, is a conference with the archangel 
Vohtman, or Vohu Manah of the Avesta, who intrusts to the 
Lord’s chosen minister the care and keeping of useful animals, 
for Vohu Manah’s name, even in the Gathas, is especially 
associated with the protection of the animal kingdom.? Accord- 

1Zsp. 22. 1-13. Add also Dk. 8. Vohu Manah’s name with the care of 
14, 2-9; ZtN. p. 495-8 ; Dab. i. 232-44. cattle in the Gathas, see Geiger, East- 

2Zsp. 22. 3-6; ZtN. p. 495; Dab. — ern Iranians, transl. Darab D. P. San- 
i, p. 240. And for the association of jama, i. p. xxxv. 


ing to the Selections of Zat-sparam, the scene of this special 
interview granted by Vohtiman to Zaratiisht, and the giving of 
injunctions to the inspired Seer, is laid in the region of Iran to 
the south of the Caspian Sea or in the Alborz mountains, for 
the text designates it as ‘the conference on Higar and Aiusind,’ 
which are regarded as two peaks of that range.! 

Third Vision — Conference with Asha Vahishta. — The third 
interview is ‘a conference at the Tojan water’; this is held 
with the archangel Artavahisht, who enjoins upon Zoroaster 
the care of the Fire and the guardianship of all fires, sacred 
and secular.2 The place where this apparition comes to the 
Prophet is to the south of the Caspian Sea and somewhat to 
the east, if I am right in identifying ‘the Tojan water’ with 
the river Tajan (lat. 36-87; long. 55-56) —see the key to 
the Map. This identification would agree well with the 
region of the preceding vision and with the probable situation 
of the following. The territory, I believe, is volcanic in its 
character, which would also answer to the kingdom of fire over 
which Asha Vahishta is the presiding genius. 

Feurth Vision — Conference with Khshathra Vairya. — The 
fourth ecstatic trance which is vouchsafed to the Seer brings 
him into the presence of the archangel Shatvér (Av. Khshathra 
Vairya), who assigns to him the care and keeping of metals. 
The scene of this manifestation is not absolutely identified. 
The Selections of Zat-sparam call the interview the ‘ conference 

1 Zsp. 22. 8. From the Avesta we 
know that Mount Hukairya (Av. Hu- 
kairya Barazah) is a peak of Hara 
Berezaiti (the Alborz chain); and 
Atsind (Av. Us Hindva) stands in 
the Sea Vourukasha (Caspian Sea). 
Compare notes by West, SBE. v. 35, 
and Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 584. 

2So Zsp. 22. 7 (West's transla- 

8 Zsp. 22. 7; ZtN. p. 496; Dab. i. 
p. 241, 

4Consult also the maps in J. de 
Morgan, Mission Scientifique en Perse, 
Cartes, Paris, 1897. Cf. Curzon, Per- 
sia, i. 878, and his map. 

5In a note on the passage, West 
(SBE. xvii. 161, n. 2) doubtfully sug- 
gests the Tejend River; but if so, that 
would be the only instance of a vision 
being manifested in territory so far to 
the east. See also my next proposed 


at Sarai(?), a settlement on the Mivan(’?).’! Dr. West draws 
attention to the fact that his reading of these names is uncertain 
and that he has not identified the places. I should venture to 
suggest that we are still in the South Caspian region, in the 
mountainous territory not far removed from the scene of the 
preceding interview. On the same river Tajan, that has just 
been alluded to, is the town of Sari, to the east of Barfrush 
(see Map), which would correspond to the settlement Sarai of 
the text, especially if there be mines in the neighborhood under 
Khshathra Vairya’s dominion. The territory is Mazanderan, 
but we know that Zoroaster, dervish-like, wandered also in the 
country of fiends, demon-worshippers, and wicked unbelievers 
before he met with the one truly righteous king and protector.? 

Fifth Vision — Conference with Spenta Armaiti.— For the 
fifth transcendent manifestation we must trace our way over 
various districts and provinces to the region of Lake Caécista 
(mod. Urumiah), or back into Adarbaijan.2 From Zat-sparam 
we know that this interview took place there, because the text 
states, that ‘for the occurrence of the fifth questioning, which 
is Spendarmat’s, the spirits of the regions, frontiers, stations, 
settlements, and districts, as many as were desirable, have come 
out with Zaratisht to a conference where there is’a spring 
which comes out from the Asnavad mountain, and goes into the 
Daitih.’”* Mount Asnavad, which is found also in the Avesta 
and is famous likewise as having been the seat of the Gush- 
nasp fire, is unquestionably to be localized in Adarbaijan.5 It 
is not to be confused with the ‘Mountain of the two Holy Com- 
muning Ones,’ described above (p. 84). As a likely identifica- 

1 Zsp. 22. 8; see West, SBE. xlvii. 
161, note 4. 

2JIn offering this conjecture I am 
not unmindful of Sarai near Baki (see 
Saint-Martin, Nouveau Dict. de Géog- 
raphie, v. 668); and Sarai near Bok- 
hara; Sarai in India; and Sarain in 
Adarbaijan ; also Sari near Marand in 
De Goeje, Bibl. Geogr. Arab, vi. 91, 218, 

3 Zsp. 22. 9; ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. 
p. 242. 

4 Zsp. 22. 9, West’s translation. 

5 For references, see West, SBE. 
xlvii. 161, n. 5; and Darmesteter, Le 
ZA. i. 152-154; ii. 299, 620; cf. also 
Justi, Hdb. der Zendsprache, s.v. 
asnavat, where an identification with 
Takht-i Suleiman is mentioned. 


tion I should suggest that the Mountains of Sahend (lat. 37.50; 
long. 46.50—see Map, square Bb.) would answer the require- 
ments of the text here and elsewhere. Waters from a ‘spring’ 
on the mountain side might well flow in the manner described 
by the text if the Daitih be associated with the Kizel Uzen and 
Spéd (Sefid), as already proposed (pp. 40-41). 

Sixth Vision — Conference with Haurvatat.— The scene of 
the next hallowed interview is laid at the same place, near 
Lake Urumiah, and it may best be described by using again 
the words of the Zat-sparam itself: ‘For the occurrence of the 
sixth questioning, which is Khtrdat’s (Av. Haurvatat), the 
spirits of seas and rivers have come with Zarattsht to a con- 
ference at the Asnavad mountain, and he was told about the 
care and propitiation of water.’! Like the preceding inter- 
view the location therefore is Adarbaijan. 

Seventh Vision — Conference with Ameretat.— The seventh 
and last enraptured sight, which completed the Revelation, 
is a vision accompanied by a conference with the guardian 
divinity of the plants, Amirdat (Av. Ameretat).2 This is 
not confined to a single spot, but Adarbaijan is the scene. 
To quote the words of tradition, it occurred ‘on the precipi- 
tous bank of the Dareja, on the bank of the water of Daitih, 
and different places.’? The Dareja or Dare] is the ancestral 
river of Zoroaster, and it is to be localized in Adarbaijan, as 
discussed above and in Appendix IV. In the same appendix, 
reasons are given for localizing the Daitih (Av. Daitya) in 
Adarbaijan.t Consequently, Zoroaster must gradually have 
found his way back to his home, and the scene of the final 
interview must have been in this territory, although the expres- 
sion ‘different places,’ applied to the interview with Amirdat 
would seem to show that the questionings with this archangel 
were not confined to these two sites alone. 

1Zsp. 22. 11 (West’s translation), 8 Zsp. 22. 12, West, SBE. xlvii. 
and cf. ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. p. 242. 162. 

2Zsp. 22. 12; ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. 4 See also above, pp. 40-41. 
p. 243. 



Other Spiritual Manifestations. —In these various visions of 
Paradise which are granted to Zoroaster, and which rival the 
seven heavens of Mohammed, the Prophet becomes quite well 
acquainted with the empyrean realms and with the celestial 
hierarchy of God, the angels, and archangels.1 The tendency 
to visionary trance is further manifested by the apparition of 
Haoma, which rises before Zarathushtra at the altar, as 
described in the Avesta (Ys. 9. 1).2. The Pahlavi commentary 
on this passage adds that Zoroaster at once recognized Hém 
‘because he had had conferences with most of the angels 
(Izads) and he was acquainted with them.’ The same idea of 
heavenly visitations is implied elsewhere in the Avesta, for 
example, where Ashi Vanuhi is conceived of as conversing 
with Zarathushtra.* 

To Summarize the Seven Visions.— At the age of thirty 
Zoroaster receives a revelation, and during the next ten years 
he beholds seven visions of Ormazd and the Archangels. In 
Zoroastrian literature there are several allusions to these mani- 
festations. A chapter in the Selections of Zat-sparam describes 
the conferences with most detail. Its account implies that the 
visions occurred during the winters—a time when the Prophet 
perhaps chose to rest from his itinerant labors, like Buddha 
during the rainy season. The particular paragraph referring 
to this point is worth quoting. It runs: ‘The seven questions 
are explained within the length of these winters, which are of 
five months, and within ten years.’> As to scene, the text says, 
at the outset, that ‘the seven questions, with reference to reli- 
gion, of the seven archangels, occurred in seven places.’® If 

1Jn this connection, attention might, 
perhaps, be drawn to the chapter on 
the Yazatas (Izads) in the Great Ira- 
nian Bindahishn, translated by Dar- 
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 305-22 ; cf. West, 
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 102 (par. 

2¥For a poet’s view of Zoroaster’s 
spiritual visions, we might recall the 

lines of Shelley, Prometheus Unbound, 
1. 1. 198-201. 

3 See Darmesteter, ZA. translated 
(2 ed.) in SBE. iv. 258, and also Le 
ZA, iii. 29. 

“Yt. 17. 15-21. 

5 Zsp. 22. 13 (West’s tr.). 

6 Zsp. 22. 1 (West's tr.). 


we follow tradition, the scenes of five of the visions, namely, 
the first, second, fifth, sixth, and seventh, are certainly to be 
localized in the west of Iran, in Adarbaijan and the southern 
Caspian territory. If the identification, suggested above, of 
Tojan and of Sarai be correct, the place of the third and of the 
fourth conferences likewise is directly to the south of the Cas- 
pian Sea. Media Atropatene and Media Rhagiana may there- 
fore be regarded, on the basis of tradition at least, as the place 
of Zoroaster’s apocalyptic visions of heaven. 

The Temptation of Zoroaster. — The ten years of interviews 
and communings with the Divine Beings are now at an end. 
The Revelation is complete. Zoroaster receives from Ormazd 
some final admonitions, and he carries with him from heaven 
the supreme knowledge contained in the Avesta and also the 
sacred Ahuna Vairya formula—the paternoster of Zoroas- 
trianism. At parting he is warned to guard against the tempta- 
tions of the fiends who will beset his path as he returns among 
men. It is the instant when a weaker spirit might be prone to 
falter, and when a false step would mean ruin and damnation. 
It is the moment when Mara whispered to the newly Enlight- 
ened Buddha, tempting him to enter at once into Nirvana and 
not to give forth to mankind the illumination which he himself 
by so hard a struggle had won. The Powers of Evil now 
gather their forces for a combined attack upon Zarathushtra. 
A description of the Temptation is given both in the Avesta 
and in the Pahlavi writings. The demon Buiti (Phl. Bit) is 
sent by Ahriman to deceive and to overthrow the holy messen- 
ger. But Zoroaster is armed with a breastplate of righteous- 
ness and with the spiritual weapons of the Law, as well as 
materially equipped; and he defeats his spiritual enemies and 
puts them to flight. The Avesta pictures the situation as fol- 
lows: — 

‘From the region of the north, from the regions of the north, forth 

rushed Anra Mainyu, the deadly, the Demon of Demons. And thus 
howled the maleficent Anra Mainyu, the deadly: “O Fiend, rush 


on and kill him,” Orighteous Zarathushtra! The Fiend rushed 
then along, the demon Buiti, the secret-moving Pestilence, the 

‘Zarathushtra recited the Ahuna Vairya, saying: “As the Lord, 
etc.” He worshipped the good waters of the good Daitya. He 
recited the creed of the Religion of Mazda-worshippers. And away 
rushed the Fiend confounded, the secret-moving Pestilence, the 

‘The Fiend then howled back to Anra Mainyu: “Thou tormentor, 
Anra Mainyu! I can find no destruction for him—for Spitama 
Zarathushtra. All-glorious is Zarathushtra.” Now, Zarathushtra, 
perceived in his heart, “The fiendish maleficent Demons are plotting 
my destruction.” 

‘Upstarted Zarathushtra, forward stepped Zarathushtra, undaunted 
by Evil Thought, by the hardness of his malicious questions, and 
wielding stones in his hand, stones big as a house, having obtained 

_ them from Ahura Mazda, he the righteous Zarathushtra. 

‘«Whereat in this broad, round earth, whose boundaries are far 
distant (asked the Demon), dost thou wield (these stones), thou who 
standest upon the high bank of the river Drej (Dareja), at the abode 
of Pourushaspa ? ” 

‘And Zarathushtra responded to Anra Mainyu: “O maleficent 
Anra Mainyu! I shall smite the creation of the Demons, I shall 
smite the Nasu (demon of Death), who is created by the Demons. 
(Yea), I shall smite the Enchantress (Pairika Khnathaiti), until the 
Saviour (Saoshyant), the Victorious shall be born from the waters of 
Kasava, from the region of the dawn, from the regions of the 

‘Thereupon to him howled back Anra Mainyu, the Lord of Evil 
Creation: “Do not destroy my creatures, O righteous Zarathushtra! 
Thou art the son of Pourushaspa; I was worshipped (?) by thy 
mother. Renounce the good Religion of the worshippers of Mazda, 
so as to obtain a boon such as Vadhaghana obtained, the ruler of a 
nation.” ? 

‘But Spitama Zarathushtra answered him: “No! I shall not 

1 This is the Messiah thatisto spring see Mkh. 57.25; Dat. 72.5; 78.2; Dk. 
from the seed of Zarathushtra; he is 9. 10.3; 9.21.4; 7. 2. 64; Zsp. 12. 
to be born in the land of Seistan, the 13 (West, SBE. xxiv. 108; xviii. 217, 
home of the Kayanian royal family. 228; xxxvii. 185, 212; xlvii. 82, 186). 

2On the Vatakan tyrant Dahak, 


renounce the good Religion of the worshippers of Mazda, not though 
life, and limb, and soul should part asunder.” 

‘And again to him howled out Anra Mainyu, the Lord of Evil 
Creation: “By whose word wilt thou vanquish, by whose word wilt 
thou withstand, and by what weapon will the good creatures (with- 
stand and vanquish)? my creation, who am Anra Mainyu?” 

‘Spitama Zarathushtra answered him: “With the sacred mortar, 
with the sacred cup, with the Word proclaimed by Mazda, with my 
own weapon, and it is the best one. With this word will I vanquish 
with this word will I withstand, with this weapon will the good 
creatures (withstand and vanquish thee), O malignant Anra Mainyu! 
The Good Spirit created these, he created them in the Boundless 
Time; the Amesha Spentas, the good and wise rulers presented 

‘And Zarathushtra recited aloud the Ahuna Vairya.’? 

The Dinkart has a briefer account of the episode; and the 
Zartusht Namah and Dabistan also allude to the assault of the 
princes of darkness upon Zoroaster as he is returning, and to 
their specious, guileful, and tempting words. This tempta- 
tion, therefore, offers an indirect parallel to that in Buddhism 
and in Christianity. No likeness is familiar in Mohammedan- 
ism nor in the Mosaic system. But besides this, another seduc- 
tive deception awaits the Prophet of Mazda, like the Knight of 
true Holiness encountering Foul Error and Hypocrisy in the 
Faerie Queene, a passage which might be compared. For 
Zoroaster, as forewarned by Atharmazd, is again tempted, this 
time by a Karap who has assumed the feminine form of Spen- 
darmat; but he discovers the disguise and exorcises the fiend 
as described in the Dinkart.* 

Maidhyoi-maonha, the First Convert to the Faith. — We may 
now imagine Zoroaster in this tenth year of the Religion as 
busily engaged in his mission among men. The bugle note of 

1So, after Darmesteter’s construc- 8Dk. 7. 4. 36-41; ZtN. p. 498; 
tion of hukaratiiaho. Dab. i. p. 244. 
2 Vd. 19. 1-10; compare also Dar- 4 Dk. 7.4. 54-62; see West’s trans- 

mesteter’s translation in SBE. ivy. 208 lation. 
seq. (2 ed.). 


success is sounded even though the full triumph and victory is 
still to be delayed for two years more. Yet only one convert 
has been made; but the conversion is important; it is Zara- 
thushtra’s own cousin Maidhydi-maonha (Phl. Métyd-mah) 
already mentioned (p. 20). The Zat-sparam selection states 
the fact thus: ‘On the completion of revelation, that is, at the 
end of the ten years, Métydmah, son of Arastai,! became faith- 
ful to Zaratisht.’2 The fact is definitely alluded to in the 
Gathas and in the Younger Avesta (which contains lists also 
of later converts, in the Farvadin Yasht),? and it is noticed in 
other Zoroastrian writings. Quotations are unnecessary. 
Maidhydi-maonha’s being drawn to the new faith and his 
acceptance of the creed is a fulfilment of the promise which 
Zaratisht’s first vision gave when he beheld the image of a vic- 
torious army under this leader coming to join him.* The Zat- 
sparam rightly interprets the allegory: ‘Métyomah was the 
leader of all mankind who have gone out to the presence of 
Zaratisht, and he became their guide, so that first MétyOmah 
and afterwards the whole material existence are attracted (to 
the faith).’6 The scene of the conversion is laid by the Zat- 
sparam ‘in the forest of reedy hollows, which is the haunt of 
swine of the wild-boar species.’ It would be interesting if 
one could identify the situation. We may henceforth think of 
Maidhyoi-maonha as a sort of St. John the disciple. 
Conclusion. — The first ten years of the Religion have now 
passed; seven visions have been seen; the Revelation is com- 
plete; Zoroaster has withstood the temptation and assaults of 
the Powers of Evil; he has also won his first disciple. And 
yet at this instant, after the exhilaration of success, there 
comes the moment of depression and despondency. We have 

1 See genealogical table in Chap. II. 8 Ys. 61.19; Yt. 18. 95. 

2 Zsp. 23. 1. According to the tra- 4 Zsp. 21. 2; ZtN. p. 491; Dab. i. 
ditional dating, the year would be p. 230-1. Cf. p. 40 above. 
B.c. 620. See West, SBE. xlvii. In- 5 Zsp. 21.3 (West, SBE. xlvii. 155). 

trod. § 55, and Appendix III. below. 8 Zsp. 23. 8. 


evidence of this; for, to quote the words of a Zat-sparam selec- 
tion, ‘ Afterwards, on having obtained his requests, he came 
back to the conference of Attharmazd, and he spoke thus: “In 
ten years only one man has been attracted by me.”’1 Ormazd 
answers paradoxically, but the answer seems to have given an 
inspiration, for the efforts of the next two years are unceasing, 
—crucial years as they were,— success attends, the climax is 
reached, the achievement is won. This achievement is the con- 
version of Vishtaspa, the triumph of the Faith, as described in 
the next chapter. 

1 Zsp. 23. 2. 



And het hine gan td Sam cynge and bidian him rihtne geléafan, and hé swa 
dyde, and se cing gecyrde to rihtne geléafan. 

Buack Horse— Compete ConveRSION oF VISHTASP—COMING OF THE 

Introduction. — The eleventh and twelfth years of the Reli- 
gion are stirring years in the Prophet’s life ;1 they are years of 
struggle, bitter trial, temporary disappointment, but of final 
triumph; they are the two years devoted to the conversion of 
Vishtaspa ; and when success finally crowns the effort, they 
form the great climax in Zoroaster’s career. A firm and power- 
ful hand is henceforth to uphold the Faith. The events, inci- 
dents, and occurrences, which are recorded by tradition in con- 
nection with this important era are presented here in detail; 
and the words of the texts themselves are employed, as far as 
possible in narrating them. In order truly to appreciate the 
spirit of the situation one should call to mind descriptions of 
similar conversions in the history of the world’s great religions. 

Zoroaster seeks Vishtaspa.— As already noted, an inspira- 

1 g.c. 619-618, according to the tra- xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appendix III. 
ditional chronology ; see West, SBE. below. 



tion seems to have come to Zoroaster that he should turn to 
the court of Vishtaspa. The Younger Avesta tells how he 
prayed to Ardvi Stra, the goddess of waters, that he might 
win Vishtaspa to the Faith.1 Vishtaspa is a king or princely 
ruler, but he and his court are represented as having been 
wrapt in the toils of evil religious influence and fettered by the 
false belief that was rife in the land. The picture which the 
Zoroastrian texts give is naturally a distorted one, colored by 
religious prejudice and animosity; but doubtless its darkness is 
not without reason. Everything is portrayed as bound by base 
superstition, or under the thrall of dread magic. ‘There is the 
stifling atmosphere of the dark ages of the Atharva Veda that 
was still hanging like a pall over the cousin-land of India. 
Iran or the court of Vishtasp is dominated by scheming and 
unscrupulous priests, the Kigs and Karaps, or Kavis and Kar- 
pans of the Avesta. Especially powerful among these is one 
Zak —a name that seems to occur only in the Dinkart, and his 
ill reputation has destined him otherwise for oblivion. The 
Dinkart gives a number of interesting particulars on the sub- 
ject, which are translated by West, and are worth quoting in 
part. ‘Zaratiisht became aware from revelation about the vile- 
ness and perverted religion of Zak of the deadly Karaps of 
Vishtasp and many other Kais and Karaps who were at the 
residence of Vishtasp.’? Accordingly, ‘after the continuance 
of the last questioning of the ten years of conference [he took] 
his departure alone, by the advice and command of Atharmazd, 
to the residence of Vishtasp and the precinct of that terrible 

The Shikand-giimanik-Vijar, 10. 64-66 also adds that ‘ Zara- 
tiisht came alone on a true mission, to the lofty portal of Kai 
Gushtasp, and the religion was taught by him, with a powerful 
tongue, to Kai Gushtasp and the learned, through the speech 
of wisdom, through manual gestures, through definite words, 

1Yt. 5. 105. 8 Dk. 7. 4. 65. 
2 Dk. 7. 4. 64. 


through explanation of many doubts, and through the presen- 
tation of the visible testimony of the archangels, together with 
many miracles.’! 

The Dinkart speaks several times of the ‘residence,’ ‘lofty 
residence,’ ‘abode,’ ‘capital or metropolis’ of Vishtasp, but it 
does not make clear where this was located.? Neither does the 
Avesta nor any known Pahlavi text make a precise and definite 
statement. But the later tradition, Persian and Arabic, persist- 
ently maintains that the city of Balkh was the scene of the 
conversion. A full discussion of this question is given below 
in Appendix IV., so it is omitted here. It must be remembered 
therefore when ‘Balkh’ is mentioned hereafter it is used 
because the name stands in the particular connection or source 
from which the material in question is being drawn; a final 
judgment on the matter is avoided for the present. 

It is at this juncture that a curious legend is narrated of a 
strange incident which happened as Zoroaster was on his way to 
Vishtasp (Gushtasp). The modern Persian Dabistan, basing 
its statement upon the authority of a priest who quoted from 
an old treatise, recounts how two infidel rulers were punished 
for refusing to adopt the Faith at the holy bidding of the 
Prophet as he was proceeding to interview the great king. 
The selection reads: ‘The Mobed Suriish, the Yazdanian, has ° 

1 West, SBE. xxiv. 170-1. Whether the two words are used in- 

2Dk. 7. 4. 64, 65, 75, 76, 77, 84; 
6.2 (= SBE. xlvii. pp. 64 bis, 67, 68 
bis, 70, 74) ; 8. 11.3; in the Shik. Gam. 
Vij. 10. 64, transl. ‘lofty portal’ (West, 
SBE. xxiv. 170). Dr. West (Aug. 2, 
1897) writes me: ‘In Dk. 7. 4. 64, 65, 
the word translated ‘‘capital’’ in the 
Grundriss, and ‘‘residence’’ in SBE. 
vol. xlvii. is baba@ (= dar Pers.). Asa 
mint-mark on coins it is understood to 
mean ‘‘ the capital, or metropolis.”” It 
also occurs Dk. 8. 11. 3 (SBE. xxxvii. 
24). The word mdn, “abode,” “house,” 
is also used in 7. 4. 75, 76, 77, etc. 

differently, or whether babd rather 
means ‘‘ the city,’? and mdn, ‘‘ the pal- 
ace,’’? is uncertain. There is no hint 
in Dk. as to where this capital, or 
residence, was.’ Furthermore (Jan. 
7, 1898), ‘Dk. 7. 4. 76, ‘‘ lofty resi- 
dence’? = buland mdnishné, where 
biland may mean “high” either in po- 
sition or character; ‘tall, exalted, 
or eminent.’’’ If ‘lofty residence’ 
or ‘capital’ should perhaps signify 
Balkh, we might compare Shelley’s 
‘that high capital,’ meaning Rome. 


been heard to say, “It is recorded in the treatise of Mihin 
Fartish that, according to the doctors of the pure faith, when 
Zardusht had thus obtained the victory over the demons, and 
was proceeding to an interview with the great King Gushtasp, 
there happened to be two oppressive and infidel kings in his 
road; these Zardusht invited to adopt the pure faith and turn 
away from their evil practices ; but they heeded not his words ; 
he therefore prayed to God, and there began to blow a mighty 
wind, which lifted up these two kings on high and kept them 
suspended in the air; the people who came around were aston- 
ished on beholding this sight ; the birds also from every quarter 
of the sky flocked around the two kings, and with beaks and 
talons tore off their flesh until the bones fell to the ground.” ’? 
The legend has a weird picturesqueness, to say the least ! 
Meeting between Zaratiisht and Vishtasp.—If we under- 
stand the Dinkart text aright, the moment of the first meeting 
between Zaratisht and Vishtasp must have been when the king 
was on the race-course (Phil. aspdnvar) ;? the Dinkart paragraph 
speaks of Zoroaster as ‘ uttering, on the horse-course of Vishtasp, 
a reminder of the power and triumph of Atharmazd over him- 
self, as he invited Vishtasp to the religion of Atharmazd ; and 
with great wisdom Vishtasp heard the words of Zaratisht, on 
account of his own complete mindfulness, and would have 
asked for an outpouring of prophecy. But thereupon — before 
the words of Zaratisht (were fully) heard by him, and he could 
have understood the character of Zarattisht— owing to the 
demonizing of the deadly Zak and the rest of those Kigs and 
Karaps, spoken out with slanderous knowledge and perverse 

1 Dabistan, tr. by Shea and Troyer, 
i, 244-245. A kindred idea perhaps is 
contained in Dk. 7. 4. 82 end. 

2Dk. 7. 4. 66. In answer to an 
inquiry if, possibly, a town might be 
intended, Dr. West says (Jan. 7, 1898), 
‘There is a town Asbanbur, or Asfan- 
bur, but I have not been able to dis- 

cover where it is. I am doubtful, 
however, if a town be meant by the 
words: Madam Aspanvar-i Vishtaspo. 
I should be more inclined to read as- 
pakhvur for aspakhvir, ‘‘a horse- 
stable.’ ’ In the latter case, one 
might think perhaps of the story of 
healing the black horse of Vishtasp. 


actions to Vishtasp about Zaratiisht, there then (occurred) his 
consignment of Zaratisht to confinement and punishment.’? 

In the Zartusht Namah? the scene of the conversion is laid in 
Balkh, where Vishtasp’s father, the old king Lohrasp (Av. 
Aurvat-aspa) is generally stated to have lived in retirement 
after his abdication. Masiidi (d. A.p. 957) also makes it Balkh, 
and his testimony is nearly three hundred years earlier than the 
Zartusht Namah.2 The Shah Namah (A.p. 1000) does not 
make the assertion explicitly in so many words, but it lays all 
the following scenes at Balkh, as discussed below (Appendix 
IV. p. 214).4 The Cangranghacah Namah likewise lays the 
scene of the rival Brahman’s conversion at Balkh.® 

The later tradition adds details and embellishes the account. 
According to the Zartusht Namah, King Vishtasp (Gushtasp) 
was seated in royal estate in his palace when Ormazd’s apostle 
appeared. According to Mohammedan writers, Kazwini and 
Ibn al-Athir, Zoroaster enters the assembly in no ordinary 
manner, but by a miracle: the roof parts asunder to give 
entrance to his hallowed person.’ Ibn al-Athir also adds, that 
‘in his hand was a cube of fire with which he played without its 
hurting him.’ The scene might make a subject for a painting. 
We must remember, furthermore, that Zoroaster originally 
sprang from the country of naphtha wells; moreover, he may 
not have been wholly unacquainted with effects produced by 
chemical experiments if we may judge from accounts of the 
scientific knowledge attributed to him.6 The Shah Namah 

1Dk. 7. 4. 66-67 (West's transla- 
tion). Cf. also Dk. 7. 5. 6. 

2 ZtN. pp. 498-499. 

8 See Masiidi’s statement in Appen- 
dix IV. p. 199. 

#Compare Mohl, Livre des Rois, 
trad. iv. 290, 291, 298, 300. 

5 See summary by Anquetil du Per- 
ron, i. part. 2, p. 50. 

6 ZtN. pp. 498-499. 

7 Gottheil, References, p. 40. Both 

of these writers belong to the thir- 
teenth century of our era. Mirkhond 
(History, tr. Shea, p. 287) repeats Ibn 
al-Athir’s story of the wonderful fire. 
Recall also classical allusions to the 
fire. The reference is evidently to the 
Burhzin Mitro fire described below. 

8 H.g. in the Nasks, see Chap. VIII. 
below, pp. 95-96 ; cf. also Dk. 7. 5. 8- 
10, and also the classical statements on 
p. 8 and in Appendix V. 


similarly alludes to the censer or basin of fire which he brought 
from Paradise to present to the King.! In these fire references 
there seems to linger a reminiscence of the Burzhin Mitré fire, 
shortly to be referred to. Kazwini apparently draws from some 
traditional source or Pahlavi text when he describes an ordeal 
of molten metal to which Zoroaster has to submit his person to 
prove the divine truth of his mission.2 This is at least in 
harmony with ‘the achievement of ordeal’ referred to in the 
Dinkart as instituted or sanctioned by Zaratiisht who is there 
cited as giving authority for thirty-three kinds of this judicial 
test.2 This very achievement of Zoroaster forms the prototype 
of a fiery ordeal undergone by one of his future apostles in 
Sassanian times, and of the usage of the ordeal in the religion. 

Zaratusht disputes with the Wise Men. — There is evidence 
enough to show that the Prophet had to win his way step by 
step during these two years of struggle and probation; and 
there is no doubt that he at once encountered the antagonism 
and vigorous opposition of the wise men of the king’s court. 
According to tradition at least, there were not wanting those to 
plot against him. 

‘The Kavigs and Karaps,’ says the Zat-sparam, ‘in the manner 
of opponents propounded thirty-three inquiries to him, so that 
by command of Vishtaisp he became the explainer of those 
thirty-three inquiries.’ This and the later debates are alluded 
to in the Dinkart and elsewhere as ‘the terrible conflict,’ ‘the 
terrible combat,’ ‘the great session,’ ‘the controversy about the 
religion with the famous learned of the realm’ who were Zoro- 
aster’s ‘fellow-disputants.’5 The Zartusht Namah, drawing 
upon some source not now accessible, or supplying material from 
imagination, graphically describes the scene with Eastern pomp 

1T.e. mijmar-t atax, ShN. ed. Vul-__ p. 41; Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, p. 
lers-Landauer, iii. 1498; Mohl tr. iv. 287. 
290. On the amulet chain given to 8 Dk. 7. 5. 4-5 (West, SBE.). 
Isfendiar, see p. 67, note 6. 4 Zsp. 28. 5. 

2 Kazwini, ed. Wiistenfeld, ii. 267 ; 5 Dk. 7. 4. 65, 69, 70, 73; 5. 2. 10; 
cf. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster,  Zsp. 28. 5. 


and Oriental detail.1 The sages of Vishtasp are seated in grave 
council to dispute with the new-comer and stranger, with the 
herald of Ormazd. The debate and controversy lasts no less 
than three days.? The Priest of the Zend-Avesta comes off 
triumphant at every point.2 He claims the office of Prophet 
and begins to recite the sacred texts to the king.* 

Conspiracy against Zoroaster ; his Imprisonment. — Vishtiasp’s 
interest is aroused, and the divine Seer seems to have produced 
a marked effect by being able through his prescience, as the 
story goes, openly to disclose and tell the thoughts of the king 
and of others, with astonishing results.6 A plot, however, is 
concocted by those whose light the brilliancy of the new lumi- 
nary has dimmed. The priests who are supplanted in influence 
enter into a conspiracy, like those who sought to find occasion 
against Daniel, and they intrigue for Zoroaster’s death.6 By 
suborning the porter of his lodging, as the tale relates, these 
wicked schemers succeed in hiding vile material within the holy 
man’s apartments so that it may be used as evidence against him. 
The hair, nails, heads, of cats and dogs, together with various 
other paraphernalia of witchcraft and sorcery, are thus slipped 
in. On this false evidence Zoroaster is accused of being a 
wizard and necromancer ; he is thrown into prison and is left 
to starve. Such is the account of the Zartusht Namah, and the 
Pahlavi Dinkart alludes to the circumstance as well.? 

The Episode of the Black Horse. — A miracle releases Zardusht. 
It is the miracle which he wrought by restoring to health the 
king’s Black Horse, as described with great elaboration in the 
Zartusht Namah and incidentally referred to in the Dinkart.§ 
The king has a favorite black horse.® Upon the imprisonment 

1 ZtN. pp. 499-501 ; repeated also in 4 ZtN. p. 501; Dab. i. pp. 249-250. 

the Dabistan, i. pp. 245-250. 5 Dk. 7. 4. 71; 5. 2. 8. 
2 ZtN. p. 501. 6 ZtN. p. 503 seq. repeated in Dab. i. 
8 One is somewhat reminded of the _p. 251. 

questionings of the scribes and Phar- 7 Dk. 7. 4. 64, 67; 7. 5. 6. 

isees, if not of Luther’s disquisi- 8 ZtN. pp. 504-509; Dk. 7. 4. 70. 

tions, ® Apparently named Bahzad (well- 


of Ormazd’s minister the animal’s four legs are suddenly drawn 
up into its belly and the creature is unable to move. This 
occurrence is plainly a manifestation of the divine displeasure. 
In his dungeon cell Zardusht hears of what has happened. He 
offers, if released, to restore the horse to its former soundness ; 
but he will do this only upon the fulfilment of specific conditions. 
These the king must agree to beforehand. Vishtasp is over- 
joyed and promises to grant the Priest a boon for each foot of 
the charger that is restored to its proper state. The details 
which follow seem ludicrous, but such descriptions of cunning 
practices are not unique. Hocus-pocus has been employed else- 
where, and the situation doubtless had its parallels in other 
courts of Eastern despots in ancient days. We must not forget 
that even when St. Augustine preached Christianity to A‘thel- 
bert of England, it was in the open air, owing to the king’s 
dread of witchcraft which might exercise a spell upon him if he 
were within four walls ! 

The first condition which Zardusht makes, is that Vishtisp 
shall accept the Faith if one foot of the horse be restored. 
Upon the king’s agreeing to this stipulation, and in answer to the 
Prophet’s earnest prayer, ‘the right fore-leg of the horse came 
out, since the word of the Shah was true.’! Before the ‘man 
of God’ will grant the second boon, however, the king must 
promise that his own warlike son Isfendiar (Av. Spento-data, 
Phi. Spend-dat) shall fight as a crusader in support of the true 
Faith. Thereupon, ‘the right hind-leg of the steed comes out 
by the commandment of God.’ The third condition results 
in the granting of a wished-for favor, the privilege of convert- 
ing the queen to the Faith. Upon its fulfilment the descent of 
the third leg is accomplished. The last promise includes the 
revealing of the names of the culprits who had bribed the 

bred) in the Shah Namah (Mohl, tr. _p. 360 (Wehzat), for other horses called 
iv. pp. 320, 335), unless this name bea _ by this name. 

merely typical one like ‘ Black Beauty ’ 1ZtN. p. 507 (Eastwick’s transla- 
in English. Such at least is the tra- tion in Wilson, Parsi Religion, from 
dition. See also Justi, Namenduch, which the quotations are made). 


doorkeeper and had plotted against the Prophet of the Lord. 
When these are revealed and the offenders appropriately pun- 
ished by death, the horse is fully restored to health and leaps 
up upon his four legs as sound as before. 

This absurd story, which the Zartusht Namah, as just described, 
tells minutely with considerable imagination and poetic embel- 
lishment, receives only brief notice incidentally in the Dinkart, 
when it refers to ‘the wonder about the splendid horse of 
Vishtasp,’! and when in another part of the work, it mentions 
‘the splendid horse of Vishtasp’ as the nonpareil of horses.? 
The episode is seriously recorded, earlier than the Zartusht 
Namah, by Shahrastani (born a.p. 1086), who lived in Khoras- 
san.2 As the author of the Zartusht Namah (4.p. 1277) was 
a native of Rai in the West, it shows how current the story 
was. It is later repeated by Mirkhond.* How different from 
the narrative of Constantine and the Cross ! 

Complete Conversion of Vishtasp.—'The conversion of Vish- 
tasp is nearly complete, but he still seeks from Zardusht an 
additional proof, a vision, a manifestation, some sign or token, 
before he will be finally convinced. Inasmuch as he himself has 
freely granted four favors to Zoroaster in acknowledgment of 
his services, the king now himself makes four counter-requests, 
as the narrative tells before he fully adopts the Faith. The 
Zartusht Namah again relates these in detail, and we can infer 
from incidental allusions in Avestan and Pahlavi texts that the 
tradition was a recognized one.’ The first of these four request 
by Vishtasp is that he may know his final doom and see his 
place in Paradise ; the second, that his body may become invul- 

1 Dk. 7. 4. 70. 5 ZtN. pp. 509-11. Compare the 
2 Dk. 9. 22. 2 (West, SBH. xxxvii. fragmentary Avestan texts Vishtasp 
220). Yasht, and Afrin Paighambar Zartisht 

8 Shahrastani ed. Haarbrticker, i. (Yt. 24 and Yt.23). Cf also Dk. 7. 
283; cf. Gottheil, References, p. 50. 4. 74-82; 7. 6. 13; Zsp. 28. 7 (SBE. 
For references to Vishtasp’s horse xlvii. 67-70, 81, 164); Dk. 8.11. 2-3 
Bahzad, see note on p. 62, above. (SBE. xxxvii. 24). 

4 Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, pp. 



nerable ; the third favor is that he may have universal knowledge, 
knowing the past, present, and future ; and fourth, that his soul 
may not leave his body until the resurrection. The Prophet of 
Ormazd gives assurance that all these requests may be granted ; 
but he shows that such phenomenal privileges when granted 
could not be combined in the person of a single individual. 
The king must choose one boon out of the four. His selection 
is to have permission to behold the place which he shall occupy 
in heaven. 

Coming of the Archangels. — This moment is the occasion of 
the coming of three Amshaspands, or Archangels, from heaven, 
to the palace of the king, as witnesses from Atharmazd to the 
divinely inspired message of Zaratisht. These three heaven- 
sent envoys are Vohtman, Ashavahisht, and the Propitious 
Fire (Birzhin-Mitro, or Spénisht, Av. Spénishta).1 In its 
description the Dinkart quotes a passage from ‘revelation’ as 
follows: ‘Then he who is the creator Atharmazd spoke to 
them, to Vohtiman6é, Ashavahisht6, and also the fire of Athar- 
mazd, the propitious, thus: ‘“ Proceed! you who are archangels, 
unto the abode of Vishtasp, whose resources are cattle and who 
is far and widely famed, with a view to his reliance upon this 
religion (that is, till he shall stand up for this religion); and, 
as regards the answering words of the righteous Zaratiisht of 
the Spitamas, to approve the nature of those words.”’? And, 
as the paragraph continues, the archangels proceeded to the 
abode of Vishtasp in such glorious effulgence that ‘their radi- 
ance in that lofty residence seemed to him a heaven of com- 
plete light, owing to their great power and triumph; this was 
so that when he thus looked upon it, the exalted Kai-Vishtasp 
trembled, all his courtiers trembled, all his chieftains were con- 

1Dk. 7. 4. 75, 78; 7. 6. 18; Zsp. gers to be four, as it mentions two 
23. 7; Dk. 8.11. 2-8 ; Bd.17.1,8. See fires, Adar Khirdad and Adar Gish- 
also Darmesteter, Le ZA.i. 155. It asp beside the two archangels. 
may be noticed that the Zartusht Na- 2Dk. 7. 4. 75-76 (West’s transla- 
mah makes the number of the messen- _ tion). 



fused, and he of the superior class was like the driver of a 

The Zartusht Namah colors this part of the account by 
graphically describing these messengers as majestic knights on 
horseback in cavalier style, bristling with armor and clad in 
green.2 The Dinkart goes on to tell how the Fire speaks out 
and reassures the terrified king that they are come, not for 
alarming him as the two envoys of his mortal foe Arjasp the 
Khyoén later would do, but that they are come with a bidding 
from heaven that he should receive the religion of Zaratiisht. 
In that event they promise him a long reign and a life of one 
hundred and fifty years(!), accompanied by many blessings 
and exalted by an immortal son Péshyotan (Av. Peshétanu). 
On the contrary, if he will not accept the holy Faith, they 
threaten that his end will soon ensue. And the Archangels 
thereupon took up their abode with Vishtasp.® 

Vishtasp’s Vision. — It was after this stirring occurrence and 
after the obedient Vishtasp had received the Creed, that a 
glimpse of Paradise and a spiritual revelation of his trium- 
phant success in life is vouchsafed to him. In referring to this 
the Dinkart says: ‘For the sake of daily 4 and visibly showing 
to Vishtasp the certified victory over Arjasp and the Khydns, 
and his own superior position, unceasing rule, splendor, and 
glory, the creator Atharmazd sends, at the same time, the 
angel Néryésang to the abode of Vishtasp, as a reminder for the 
archangel Ashavahisht6 to give to Vishtasp to drink of that 
fountain of life, for looking into the existence of the spirits, 
the enlightening food by means of which great glory and 
beauty are seen by Vishtasp.’® The king now quaffs an ano- 
dyne draft of ‘the fountain of life’® from a fine saucer which 

1 Dk. 7. 4. 76 (West) ; cf. also Dk. ‘Notice this word. It is also of 
7. 6.13; Zsp. 28. 7. interest in connection with an allusion 

2 ZtN. p. 610; repeated by Dab. i. in Yatkar-i Zariran, § 12, and with the 
p. 257. Holy Wars (Chap. IX.). 

3 Dk. 7. 4. 77-82 ; and Dk. 8. 11. 3 5 Dk. 7. 4. 84 (West's transl.). 
(SBE. xxxvii. 24). 6 Dk. 7. 4, 84-85. 


is proffered to him by Ashavahishtd;1 and at his instigation 
the queen also accepts the Faith.2- The Zartusht Namah? com- 
pletes the picture by describing how the king’s son Peshdtan 
(Bashtitan) receives from the Prophet’s hand a cup of milk 
which he drains and becomes undying until the resurrection.‘ 
The grand vizir, Jamasp, inhales some magic perfumes and 
becomes endowed with universal wisdom.’ The valiant Isfen- 
diar (Av. Spentd-data, Phl. Spend-dat) partakes of a pome- 
granate, and his body is made invulnerable, so that he may 
fight the good fight of the Faith.6 Thus are bestowed the four 
great boons which were asked by Vishtasp. 

Conclusion. — In reviewing the accounts of the conversion of 
Kavi Vishtaspa one can but feel convinced of the reality of the 
event. It is not easy, however, to decide how much may be 

“actual fact and how much is fiction in the stories that are told. 
Nor is it easy to determine of how early or how late origin 
some of these stories are. Several of them appear to be hinted 
at in younger portions of the Avesta; they hardly would occur 
in the existing Gathas, for the nature of those Psalms would 
rather preclude them. Some of them seem to be built up on 
the basis of old allusions which have been interpreted to suit a 
situation. Several of them strike us to-day as silly, but a num- 
ber of them as picturesque and as tinged with Oriental fancy. 

Nevertheless, amid all the dross, grains of gold are undoubt- 
edly to be found ; and beneath the blaze of tinsel and the glare 

1So0 Dk., but by Zardusht, accord- books, and the later writings. Com- 

ing to the Zartusht Namah, p. 611. 

2 Dk. 7. 4. 86. 

8 ZtN. p. 611; repeated in Dab. i. 
pp. 259-260. 

4JIn connection with this incident, 
compare also the paragraph on Péshy6- 
tan in Dk. 7. 5.12 (West, SBE. xlvii. 
77). Inthe Avesta, and in Pahlavi writ- 
ings, Peshétanu is always spoken of as 

5 This is the character of ‘the wise 
Jamasp’ in the Avesta, the Pahlavi 

pare also the Pahlavi treatise, Jamasp 
Namak, noted by West in Grundriss 
d. tran. Philol. ii. 110. 

6 In the Shah Namah this quality 
is conferred by means of an amulet 
chain (kusti ?) which Zardusht is sup- 
posed to have brought from heaven, 
cf. p. 61, note 1, above. See Mohl, tr. 
iv. 407, and cf. Spiegel, in Darab D. P. 
Sanjana, Geiger’s Eastern Iranians, 
ii. 211. 


of gaudy coloring, a sober shade of truth may be recognized. 
Other nations and other generations have sought for a sign; 
the Zoroastrian writings are not the only texts that relate mir- 
acles. An Eastern ruler in ancient days may not have been 
insensible to influences which were of a cajoling character. 
And as for the intrigues against Zoroaster, his imprisonment 
and his release, we know that court jealousies and priestly con- 
spiracies against a powerful rival have not been confined to 
Iran. Fanciful stories of a bewitched horse may likewise be 
found elsewhere. Banks and his horse, in Shakspere’s day, 
would be an illustration. The conversion also of the queen of 
the realm opened many another door to influence, as did Emma 
to St. Augustine. Perhaps Hutaosa was early interested in 
Zoroaster’s preaching. It suffices to say that even if the 
actual circumstances connected with the momentous event of 
Vishtasp’s conversion were not wholly as tradition later repre- 
sents them, they might at least have been such or similar. 
Votlé tout! The triumph of the Prophet is supreme. 



Cepere plures quotidie ad audiendum verbum confluere. 
—Bepa, Hist. Eccl. 1. 26. 

ZOROASTER’S Patron VisHTAspaA— Romantic Srory or HIs YouTH— INFLv- 
TAspa’s Court; IMMEDIATE Conversions; Livinc PERSONALITIES IN THE 
GArud4s—OrnerR Members or THE Court CIRCLE CONVERTED — Con- 


Zoroaster’s Patron Vishtaspa. — Kavi Vishtaspa, or King 
Vishtasp (Gushtasp), the Constantine of Zoroastrianism and 
defender of the Faith, presents a figure so important in its 
bearing that some additional details may appropriately be 
given concerning this pious ruler’s history. His name is ever 
recurring in Avestan and Pahlavi texts, in the Shah Namah, 
and in Mohammedan writers who allude to Persia. A collec- 
tion of the references to his name in the Avesta, supplemented 
by general allusions in other Zoroastrian writings, is given at 
the bottom of the page.!_ Special points of interest about him 

11, The principal Avestan refer- 5.98 (a Naotairyan) ; Yt. 5. 105 (Z. 
ences to Vishtaspa are: Gatha, Ys. prays for his conversion) ; Yt. 5. 108- 
28. 7 (a boon to be granted to Vish- 109 (V. prays for victory); Yt. 5. 
taspa and Zarathushtra) ; Ys. 46. 14 182 (type of successful conqueror) ; 
(warrior V.); Ys. 51. 16 (V. an ideal Yt. 9. 29-32 (cf. Yt. 5. 108; 17. 49) ; 
ruler in wisdom); Ys. 53. 2 (a fol- Yt. 18. 99-100 (hero of the Faith) ; Yt. 
lower of Zarathushtra).—Yasna, 1%. 49-52 (cf. Yt. 9. 29-32); Yt. 17. 
Ys. 12. 7 (a Zoroastrian) ; Ys. 28. 2 61 (prays to Ashi Vanuhi on the 
and 26. 5 (his fravast). —Yasht, Yt. Daitya); Yt. 19. 84-87 (Kingly Glory, 



may be found also in Justi’s Jranisches Namenbuch, pp. 372, 
395, together with an elaborate genealogical table which should 
be consulted. An abridged list of Vishtaspa’s next-of-kin, 
based upon Justi’s table, is appended on the opposite page. 
From this genealogical list we see that the patron of Zara- 
thushtra was the son of Aurvat-aspa (Lohrasp) and was 
sprung from the old Kayanian line of kings.1_ He belongs to 
the Naotairyan family (cf. Av. Naotairya, Naotairyana),? that 
is, he was descended from an ancestor Naotara (Firdausi’s Naud- 
har).2 His wife Hutaosa (Phl. Hiitds), the patroness of Zoro- 
aster, is likewise of the Naotairyan family;* his brother Zairi- 
vairi (Zarér or Zarir), a romantic hero and zealous convert, 
wins lasting fame by his valiant death in battle in the first 
Holy War, as described below. King Vishtaspa is the father 
of many sons and daughters. Two of these sons, Spenté-data 

defender of the Faith, conqueror) ; 
Yt. 23. 1 seq. (Z.’s blessing upon V.) ; 
Ys. 24. 1 seq. (Vishtasp Nask). 

2. Pahlavireferences. The Phl. 
Comment. to Ys. 43. 12 (cf. Ys. 27.6), 
44. 16, and also Dk. 9. 33. 5, take Vish- 
tdsp as a type of religious obedience, as 
representative of Srdsh on earth (see 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 200, n. 24, and 
p. 283, n. 40; also his Index, s.v. 
‘Sraosha’ in iii. 226). In general, 
the more important Pahlavi references, 
and there are many, will be given as 
occasion arises. Consult also the In- 
dexes in West, SBE. vols. v. xviii. 
xxiv. xxxvii. xlvii. under ‘ Vishtasp,’ 
‘Kai Vishtasp.’ 

3. Mohammedan references, 
given below as they occur. Consult 
also Gottheil, References, p. (29), 33 
bis, 84 (35), 37 (unimportant), 39 bis, 
40 bis; also Mirkhond, History, tr. 
Shea, p. 284 (Balkh) ; Albiraini Chro- 
nology, tr. Sachau, pp. 100 seq., 206. 

4. Classical references. The 
more important are given in this chap- 

ter, but consult also Appendix V. 
Mention might here be made likewise 
of the so-called oracular sayings of 
Vishtasp ; cf. Kuhn, Festgruss an R. 
von Roth, p. 217. 

1Yt. 5. 105, puéram yat aurvat- 
aspahe. See also Justi, Iran. Namen- 
buch, p. 188. The question of a change 
of dynasty in the succession is referred 
to in the next note. 

2¥For the connection between the 
Kavi dynasty and the Naotairyan clan 
by adoption, see Justi, Tran. Namen- 
buch, p. 372, and West, SBH. xlvii. 
80, n. 1. 

8 Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, pp. 
226-227. Moreover, on Phil. Ndétar 
and Rak, see West, SBE. xlvii. 29, 40, 
44, 80, 147, and Appendix IV., below. 

4Yt. 15. 35; cf. Yt. 18. 139; 9.26; 
17. 46. The Pahlavi narrative Yat- 
kar-i Zariraén, § 48 (Geiger, p. 59), 
makes Hiités the sister as well as queen 
of Vishtasp, according to Magian prac- 

5 No less than thirty are spoken of in 



qeivd  —- pezeayig reumy 

(63 ‘Is 
‘pa ‘uesiey «= (68 ‘TS ‘PE 
“OIU Io) ‘Wesrey-o1e}V¥ 10) (YsnuIepy 10) (pezysun 10) 

qaynpreqy ‘eg funkeyey ‘gf eumy ‘Tw yy es sia WL eae IVYpeysON zoOIpe-1eqpy ysuUIqIW 
= | [ee | 

s a 3 i 
e 3 a Ss a 
H rae a 
3 | x54 a a) 
> Sodan atte q 
Peete e ge esasagse & 8 
aR Sav setae pan st sao ey Nw 
asSX¥aeseae@nureaega gry ee a 
PTOraAdodunsdyFosy 3s 
CAAevrevevrvneaoova PBZ ,, Fig 
BnnkhH HH HH HH HD Gg 8 HB iD Is 
ne esePOVODOoOOHOO 4 Or SNA a4 
THAP PHP HH HHH BAe et Eo Y hee! 
A ididididididieq dank dan a Canyseyy ‘teayseg 10) LITeaVyseg 
‘ v = 
“80T-Z0T bi 4A Jo Ssuog i i 
(eg ‘d : ; : | 
‘GN ‘UbuT “PIUBN 10) UnsEYeY ‘Tw osye Svsoviay ‘zw VaSVIHSIA suos 1eq}0 Jo Joqunu v (AM’Z IO) LITVATIIVT 

(dsergoT 10) vdse-jeainy 

“eSOAV OU} Ul punoy oav Suyosds yy payatd someyy) 
"G6g “d ‘yonquawnyr sayosrunay ‘TYSNE IBITW 


(Phl. Spend-dat, Pers. Isfendiar) and Peshotanu, have been 
alluded to already and they will appear again. A daughter 
Huma (Phi. Pers. Hiimai), renowned for her beauty, is carried 
away, along with her sister Beh-Afrid, into captivity, by 
the king’s mortal foe Arjasp; but they both are gallantly 
rescued by their heroic brother Isfendiar, as told in the Shah 

The principal facts which the Avesta emphasizes about Vish- 
taspa are, his conversion, his zealous support of the Creed, and 
his vigorous crusading in behalf of the Faith. It furthermore 
portrays this nonpareil of kings as the very incarnation of reli- 
gious obedience and of priestly ideals; he is the representative 
of the priest-god Sraosha, whom he typifies on earth; and he 
will serve as an officiating pontiff at the final judgment of the 
world, among those who are to be selected for that office.? 
This accentuation of the priestly side of Vishtasp’s character, 
which is found in the sacerdotal writings, seems to accord with 
the tradition that, following historic precedent, he withdrew 
from active affairs in the latest part of his life, and gave him- 
self up to pious pilgrimage or devotion.? 

Romantic Story of Vishtasp’s Youth. — With respect to the 
youth of this ideal king we have only a romantic story told by 
Firdausi in the Shah Namah and repeated by Mirkhond on 
authority of the Tarikh Ma‘jem.4 According to the great 

the Yatkar-I Zariran, § 48; compare 
also the partial list in Av. Yt. 18. 102- 
103 (see genealogical table). Thirty 
sons are spoken of in the Shah Namah 
as having been slain in different battles; 
it mentions two daughters by name, 
and one of these occurs in the Avesta. 
Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 395. 

1 Yt. 18. 189 (Huma) ; Yatkar-i Za- 
riran, § 67 (Himai), and compare Dar- 
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 552, n. ; Dk. 9. 22. 
2; SHN. trad. Mohl, iv. p. 364, and pp. 
880, 341, 356, 364, 372, 390, 429, 435, 
558. In YZ. § 57 (Geiger) and ShN. 

iv. p. 330, 341 (Mohl), Himai becomes 
the wife of Isfendiar (or of Bastvar ? 
YZ), according to Ancient Persian 
practice of next-of-kin marriage. 

2See Pahlavi reference § 2 on 
p. 70. 

3 As an illustration, recall the classi- 
cal accounts which record his retire- 
ment for a time to India (Sagastan, 
Cabul ?), and connect with it also the 
religious wisdom implied in the oracu- 
lar sayings attributed to his name. See 
also Chap. XI. and p. 87, n. 1. 

4ShN. trad. Mohl, iv. 224 seq., 


poetic chronicler, Vishtasp (Gushtasp) has some disagreement 
with his father King Lohrasp, and quits the city of Balkh 
which his father has founded. He leaves Iran and wanders 
westward towards Rim.! There, at the court of an emperor, 
he accomplishes deeds of unparalleled prowess, wins the hand 
of the princess, Katayiin (Kitabin, or Nahid), becomes recon- 
ciled to his father through the good offices of his brother Zarir,? 
returns to Iran and receives the crown from Lohrasp’s hands. 
Such is the novelistic story of the Shah Namah.® 

A similar romantic episode is preserved in Athenzus (19. 
276 a), as narrated by Chares of Mitylene, but it is told of the 
early years of Zariadres (presumably Zarir), brother to Hys- 
taspes of ‘ Media and the territory below.’* According to the 
account, Zariadres himself rules the territory from the Caspian 
Gates to the Tanais, in which region the scene is laid. The 
name of the princess, in this case, is Odatis. Whether this epi- 
sode, like the preceding, be founded upon fiction or upon some 
basis of fact, it is of interest because it connects the name of 
Vishtaspa, for a time at least, with the country west of Asia.® 
When the Shah Namah makes Vishtasp (Gushtasp) return, 
and, like all the later tradition, it makes him succeed his father 
at the city of Balkh, we have a new point of contact between 
the West and the East, Media and Bactria, to add on the side 
of that theory which believes that the Religion, following Zoro- 
aster himself, gradually changed from West to East.® 

5 Consult Rapp, ZDMG. xx. 66; 
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 294 seq.; xlv. 

Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, p. 263, 
266; cf. also Néldeke, Grundriss d. 

iran. Phitol. ii. 183, 166. 

1 General designation for the By- 
zantine empire, Asia Minor, Greece, 

2 Mohl, iv. 278-281. 

8 ShN, trad. Moh!, iv. 288-289, and 
Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 159. 

4Mnblas Kal ris broxdtrw xapas ; CE. 
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 295; xlv. 197; 
lii. 193. 

197; lii. 193 ; Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. 
p. lxxxi. and Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
p. 882; Justi, Grundriss der iran. 
Phitol. ii. 408. 

6 On the question of change of dy- 
nasty in the succession of Vishtasp, 
consult what is said by Justi, Preus- 
sische Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, pp. 246, 
252; Grdr. iran. Ph. ii. 410. See also 
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 295; xlv. 197. 


Far-reaching Influence of Vishtaspa’s Conversion. — Viewed 
in its historic light the conversion of Vishtaspa is the main 
event of the Religion. The struggling creed now has a royal 
patron and protector. Zoroaster, therefore, at once proceeds 
to admonish his new convert concerning the path of holiness. 
A traditional reminiscence of these admonitions is found in 
the later Avestan Yasht Fragment, Vishtasp Sasté;1 and the 
Zartusht Namah further exemplifies them from tradition by 
summarizing, in a general sort of way, the main outlines of the 
teachings of the Avestan Revelation.2 The Pahlavi Dinkart 
at this point adds a picturesque statement to the effect that 
‘When Zaratisht chanted the revelation in the abode of Vish- 
tasp, it was manifest to the eye that it was danced to with joy- 
fulness, both by the cattle and beasts of burden, and by the 
spirit of the fires which are in the abode.’® A new champion 
of the Faith, and protector of animal life as well, has been won, 
and joy reigns supreme. But the demons of Ahriman rush 
away to darkness.* 

Members of Vishtaspa’s Court—Immediate Conversions — 
Living Personalities in the Gathas. — Two results followed as 
a natural sequel to the conversion of the king and his queen: 
one was, that the religion was at once generally adopted by the 
court; the other was, that it soon began to spread throughout 
the land. The former of these two results must first be dis- 
cussed, and with it a brief description of the court personalities 
is necessary, as well as a few words upon the life and sur- 

The best picture that we have of Zarathushtra’s position at 
the court of Vishtaspa, and the most real and vivid glimpses 
that we can get so as to contrast the religious times before him 
with his present life, are to be found in the Gathas themselves. 
Here we have the very words of the great Reformer or of his 

1E.g. Yt. 24. 12; cf. also Dk. 8. 11. 3 Dk. 7. 5. 2 (West’s translation). 
1 seq. 4 Byt. 2.16; Dk. 7. 4. 87. 
2 ZtN. p. 512 seq. 


disciples ; and the expressions heard in the Gathas have as true 
and personal a ring as the cry of the Davidic Psalms. The 
tone of the Gathas is varied. Hope, despair, exultation, dis- 
couragement, succeed each other with rapid change; for the 
moment, confidence and assurance, but then doubt and hesi- 
tancy ; a period of zeal and activity must evidently have been 
followed by a time of repose and meditation ; now admonition, 
exhortation, and promise; again philosophic speculation or 
veiled mystery, the spiritual sense of which could best be 
appreciated by the initiated; a shade of darkness, yet illu- 
minated by a burst of light, by vision, by inspiration ; then 
comes the final fiery outbreak of the prophetic soul in a clarion 
note of triumph and the transport of joyous victory. These 
are the tones that run in minor chords through the Gatha 
Psalms. Well indeed would it be for the infidel and heretic if 
he would hearken unto wisdom and the Faith. The wicked 
man and the unbeliever, the Dregvant and the Daéva, are 
fiercely anathematized; the righteous Ashavan and the godly 
ruler are highly extolled. 

The little band of the faithful forms a church militant. Of 
ritual there is little or none. The communicants at the new 
altar are few, but they move in procession distinctly before our 
eyes. The Gathis mention some of them by name; certain of 
these are Zarathushtra’s kinsfolk. The Haécataspas, descend- 
ants of Spitama, who must have shared in Zarathushtra’s suc- 
cess at the palace, are living personages. We recognize them 
when the Priest calls upon them in exhortation.!_ His favorite 
daughter Pourucista, whose marriage to Jamaspa forms a 
theme in one of these Psalms, may be pictured as a type of 
filial piety and womanly devotion. His cousin Maidyoi-ma- 

1Cf. also Mills, The Zend-Avesta, ‘Persian Religion,’ in Cheyne and 
in SBE. xxxi. Introd. p. xxvi; Geiger, Black’s Encyclopedia Biblica. 
in Darab D. P. Sanjana’s Zarathush- 2 Compare also what is said of P6- 
tra in the Gathas, pp.7-8, 163seq.; and  ricaist and Jamasp in the Pahlavi, Dk. 

likewise the allusions to Vishtdspa’s 9. 45. 4 (West’s translation, SBE. 
court in Geldner’s forthcoming article, xxxvii. 299-300). 


onha is already known to us as the earliest convert and asa 
sort of beloved disciple. The noble Frashaoshtra, vizir and 
attendant upon Vishtaspa’s throne, shows his faithful devotion 
to the Messenger of Ormazd by giving his daughter Hvogvi 
(Hvivi) to be a wife to him. And lastly Jamaspa, the wise 
counsellor and chancellor of the king, and brother to Frasha- 
oshtra, proves to be so sage an adviser, as time goes on, and so 
valued a supporter of the Creed, that Zoroaster’s prophetic 
mantle descends upon his shoulders after the death of the 
great high priest, and King Vishtasp ordains him as the holy 
successor in the pontifical office.1 It was he, according to tra- 
dition, who originally wrote down the ‘Avesta and Zand’ 
from the teachings of Zoroaster.2. With regard to these per- 
sonages of the Gathas, it is needless to add references to the 
Pahlavi literature Some other details respecting them have 
been given above in Chapter II. A single quotation from the 
Avestan Psalms may be added here. It is from the Gatha 
Ushtavaiti (Yasna 46. 14 seq.). The Prophet with his own 
lips asks a question, and in rhetorical style he gives the answer 

‘Who is it, O Zarathushtra, that is thy righteous friend; or who 
is it that wishes to be renowned for his great virtue? It is the 
warrior Vishtaspa, and, with the words of Vohu Manah (Good 
Thought) I invoke those in his abode whom he has converted by his 
praising (the Religion). 

“Of you, ye children of Haécat-aspa, descendants of Spitama, will 
I say this: that ye did distinguish the good from the evil, (and) ye 
have won for yourselves Asha (Righteousness)* by such acts as are 
the first laws of Ahura. 

‘Do thou, O Frashaoshtra, son of Hvégva, go thither with the 
elect whom we wish to be in bliss; (go thither) where Armaiti (Har- 

1See my note in Mélanges Charles others, as a glance at the Indexes to 
de Harlez, pp. 1388-139, Leyde, 1896. West’s ‘Pahlavi Texts’ in the Sacred 

2 About B.c. 691; forthe references, Books of the East will show. 
see Chap. VIII., pp. 97, 117, and Ap- 4 Lit. ‘have given Asha to your- 
pendix III. selves.’ 

3E.g. Dk. 9. 28. 5, and scores of 


mony, genius of the Earth) is united with Asha (Righteousness), 
where Vohu Manah’s Kingdom (Khshathra,) is established, accord- 
ing to desire, and where Ahura Mazda dwells amid abundance, and 
where, O Jamaspa, son of Hvégva, I shall proclaim the ordinances 
which are yours (ye Archangels) and nothing which is not in har- 
mony with your ordinances.’? 

Similar personal situations and allusions to the faithful are 
indicated in Ys. 51. 16 seq., 53. 1 seq., and elsewhere in these 
metrical hymns. Butenough! The principal points regarding 
Zoroaster’s own immediate family have been presented in Chap- 
ter II., which deals with that subject. The genealogical table 
of the Hvogva family was presented in that chapter because it 
shows the connections which arose by the intermarriage of 
Pourucista and Jamiaspa, and of Hvogvi and Zarathushtra him- 
self.2 It is easy to see how Zoroaster made his position at 
court still stronger by allying himself closely with those next 
to the throne. For almost all of the statements that have been 
made thus far the Avesta itself has been the principal source. 

Other Members of the Court Circle converted. — Among other 
conversions of those belonging to the immediate circle of the 
court of Vishtaspa, two must at once be mentioned. These are 
the king’s brother Zairivairi (Phl., Mod. Pers. Zarér, Zarir) 
and the king’s gallant son Spentd-data (Phl. Spend-dat, Mod. 
Pers. Isfendiar). Their names do not happen to occur in the 
Gathas, but they are mentioned foremost among the faithful in 
the Avestan Yashts; and the Pahlavi Dinkart and Shikand 
Giminik Vijar commend them to praise among the earliest 
converts. These special Pahlavi passages also show that many 
of the nobility were early attracted to the Creed. The Dinkart 
states: ‘At first Zarir, Spend-dat, Frashdshtar, and Jamasp, 

Av. trad. 2d ed. pp. 353-354; Spiegel, 
Avesta, iibersetzt, ii. 155. 
2 See Chap. IL, pp. 21-22, and com- 

1Ys, 46.17. I omit the latter part 
of this stanza, as unnecessary in this 
connection. For translations of this 

Gatha, see also Darmesteter, Le ZA. 1. 
807-308 ; Geldner, BB. xiv. 23 seq. ; 
Mills, SBE. xxx. 142 seq. ; de Harlez, 

pare also Dk. 9. 44. 16-19; 9. 45. 2-6, 
in SBE. xxxvii. 297-300. 



several of the realm who were noble, conspicuous, and well- 
acting, the good and princes of mankind, beheld visibly the will 
and desirableness of Atharmazd and the archangels, and the 
progressive religion of the creatures, fit for those completely 
victorious.’!_ The Shikand Gimanik Vijar adds its testimony, 
that ‘Kai Spend-dat and Zarir and other (royal) sons, instigat- 
ing the many conflicts and shedding the blood of those of the 
realm, accepted the religion as a yoke, while they even wandered 
to Artm and the Hindus, outside the realm, in propagating 
the religion.’? With regard to Spend-dat (Spento-data, Isfen- 
diar) it is interesting to observe that the late Persian author- 
ity Mirkhond conveys the idea that this heroic youth was 
largely instrumental in inducing the king, his father, to 
adopt the Faith which he himself apparently had already 

With the conversion of Zarir to the Religion, later tradition 
associates also that of the old King Lohrasp (Av. Aurvat-aspa), 
who has abdicated and is supposed still to be alive, although 
the. Avesta makes no special mention of his name in connection 
with the Creed.2 The Shah Namah is not altogether precise, 
but it includes Lohrasp as ‘the old king’ among the number 
who, with Zarir and other nobles, ‘girded themselves with the 
sacred cord and became converted’ to the faith which Vishtasp 
had adopted. The later Persian Dabistan, on the authority of 
the Behdinians (‘those of the good Faith’) gives the specific 
occasion of the conversion of these two, somewhat picturesquely 
as follows: ‘The doctors of the pure faith record that King 
Lohrasp and Zarir, brother to Gushtasp, having fallen into so 
violent a malady that the physicians in despair desisted from 
all attendance upon them ; but having been restored to health 

1Dk. 5. 2. 12, West, SBE. xlvii. are Yt. 24. 34, 46, as the word is there 

125. apparently an attribute. 
2SeV. 10. 67 (West's translation, *ShN. bibastand huiti bah din 
SBE. xxiv. 171). amadand; ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 

3 Simply Yt. 5. 105, Aurvat-aspa asp. 1498; cf. trad. Mohl, iv. 291. 
father of Vishtaspa. Very doubtful 


through the prayers of Zardusht, they adopted the pure faith.’! 
Another instance of faith cure or healing by Zoroaster, aided, 
however, by herbs, will be recorded below. Zoroaster himself, 
however, speaks of his own office as ‘ the physician of the soul.’? 

Conclusion.—The real success which Zoroaster won was first 
due to the influence of the king and the court. The Giathas 
give us some idea of Zoroaster’s preaching before the assembled 
community. His were new words and they were listened to by 
those who came from near and far (e.g. Ys. 45.1). With royal 
authority to back the Religion and noble power to support it, 
the advance and spread of the Faith must have been rapid, and 
accounts will next be given of other conversions and of the 
history of the religious propaganda. 

1Dabistan, tr. Shea and Troyer, 2 Ay. ahumbi3, Ys. 31. 19; 44 

i. 255. Compare similarly Atkinson, 2, 16. 
Firdaust Shah Namah, p. 258, ll. 4-10. 



ya juants vispang vaurayd. — Avesta, Ys. 31. 3. 

Rexicion 1n IRAN — Some Conversions 1n TURAN— AVERRED CONVERSIONS 
or Hinpus—Story or THE BranmMan ‘CancrancHAcaH’—TuHE Hinpv 

Introduction, the Cypress of Kishmar. — In telling the story of 
Zoroaster and of Vishtaspa’s embracing the new Faith, the Shah 
Namah narrates how Zardusht planted a cypress-tree before the 
door of the fire-temple at Kishmar, in the district of Tarshiz 
in Khorassin or Bactria, as a memento of Vistaspa’s conversion, 
and had inscribed upon its trunk that ‘Gushtasp had accepted 
the Good Religion.’! Marvellous became the growth and age 
of this wonderful tree, the famous cypress of Kishmar (sarv-t 
Kishmar), as recounted by the Farhang-i Jahangiri, Dabistan, 
and other writings, as mentioned by Hyde and noticed more 
fully below in Appendix IV.? The allegory is rather fine ; the 
tree typifies by its spreading branches the rapid advance of the 
Creed under the fostering care of the king and the court. 

1 Kith pasiruft Gustasp din-t bahi, Vullers, Fragmente, pp. 71, 72, 114- 
SN. ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 1499; 115; Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 15; 
trad. Mohl, iv. 291-298; Farhang-iJa- Wilson, Parsi Religion, 444; and An- 
hangiri and the Muj. cited by Hyde, quetil du Perron, as alluded to below 
Hist. Relig. (1ed.) 317, 827 ;the Dabis- in Appendix II. A, iii. f., n. 1, p. 164. 
tan, tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 306-809 ; 2 See references in preceding note. 



Other Conversions; Spread of the Gospel; Early Religious | 
Propaganda. < Outside of the immediate circle of the king, con- 
versions begin rapidly to follow. The way no doubt had already 
been paved among the people, and Vishtaspa’s own example and 
his enthusiastic zeal could but exercise wide-spread influence. 
With all the spirit and fire of a new convert he is untiring in 
his efforts for the establishment of the Faith. The unknown 
author of the Farvadin Yasht, when he comes to Vishtaspa’s 
name (Yt. 13. 99-100), breaks out into a eulogy :— 

‘It was this righteous and bold warrior, 

The hero of redoubtable weapon, 

The very incarnation of the Law 

And devoted to the Lord — 

It was he, who, with advancing weapon, 
Sought out a broad path of Righteousness, 
And, with advancing weapon, 

Found the broad path of Righteousness. 

He, it was, who became the arm 

And the support of the Religion 

Of Zarathushtra, of Ahura; 

He, who dragged from her chains the Religion 
That was bound in fetters and unable to stir; 
And made her take a place 

In the midst (of the nations), 

Exalted with power, advancing and hallowed.’ 

We can but regret the loss of the eleventh Avestan Nask, 
\which dealt particularly with the promulgation of the Faith. | 
he Pahlavi treatise Din-Vijirkart tells us of its missing con- 
tents as follows: ‘In this Nask is the topic of the sovereignty 
of Gushtasp, and Zaratisht the Spitaman, having brought the 
religion from Atharmazd, King Gushtasp accepted it, and 
made it current in the world,’ and the Persian Rivayat 
of Kamah Bahrah gives the same testimony. It is true that 
the Bahman Yasht reserves till a generation later the accom- 
plishment of the task of making the religion current in the 
‘whole’ world, which is finally brought about by the Kayanian 

1 Dyj. § 11, tr. West, SBE. xxxvii. 442. 2 West, SBE. xxxvii. 424. 


‘Artashir (Kai), whom they call Vohtiman son of Spend- 
dat.’1 Later writers bear the same testimony to the tradition 
of Vishtaspa’s religious energy. The Arab Ibn al-Athir, for 
example, states that when Vishtasp accepted the Faith ‘he 
compelled his people to do the same and he killed a large 
number of them until they adopted it.’"2 This may be a later 
Mohammedan view, but there is no doubt that fire and the 
sword were not absent in the Avesta, and further evidences 
will be seen in the next chapter of propaganda by religious 
crusades at home and abroad. First we must notice the 
spread of the Creed in Iran itself. 

Spread of the Religion in Iran.—It is tolerably certain that 
within Iran itself the fire of the Faith of Zoroaster rapidly 
spread, fanned, as it was, by the breath of sovereign power. 
Conversions were undoubtedly the order of the day ; adherents 
continued to multiply and devoted volunteers began to crowd 
into the ranks which had been captained at the court. From 
the Avesta and from later literature we know the names of many 
of these. In the Yashts? we have a prose list of nearly a 
hundred sainted persons who are connected with the Vishtaspa~ 
circle; They are evidently the first disciples — the so-called 
Paoiryo-tkaéshas — of the Zoroastrian Creed. How far and 
how fast the religion actually spread in the earliest period we 
do not know. We know, however, that the land of Seistan was 
one of the earliest scenes of the promulgation of the Faith, as 
will be seen by the sequel and proved by the Pahlavi treatise, 
‘Wonders of Sagastan,’ elsewhere referred to. There were 
doubtless parts of Iran which were Zoroastrian only in name. 
The surmises on the question of Vishtaspa’s exact rank and 

1 Byt. 2.17; the passage should be 
looked at in West’s translation, SBE. 
vy. 198-199. 

2Cf. Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster, p. 40. 

3 Yt. 18. 95-110. 

4 With such names in the Avestan 

list as Parshat-gao, Saéna, Vohvasti, 
Isvant (Yt. 13. 96), we may compare 
the Pahlavi texts, Dk. 9. 24.17; 9. 38. 
5. The French translation of the 
Yashts by Darmesteter (Le ZA. ii. 
530 seq.) gives numerous identifica- 


sovereignty have also been more than one. The problem of the 
exact lands and territories concerned, and at how early a 
period Persia Proper is to be included, requires discussion else- 
where. f One thing is certain, that Zoroastrianism was destined 
to become the national religion of Iran.) " a 

Some Conversions in Turan.—Nor is the Creed circum- 
scribed by the borders of Iran alone. From the Avesta we 
know that other lands and climes came in for a share of the 
good tidings of the Faith. The ‘fravashis,’ or guardian spirits 
of those who are righteous ‘outside of the country,’ or abroad, 
are invoked as well as those within the land.! All of which 
implies some lapse of time. And among a dozen such lands 
and countries, Turan comes in for a share of the blessing. 
Turanians are mentioned by name in the canonical list of the 
faithful whose ‘fravashis,’ or idealized spirits, are glorified (Yt. 
13. 111-129). In fact, among those catalogued for sainthood 
in the list is one Isvant, son of Varaza, whom the Dinkart 
counts as a Turanian when it includes his name as ‘Isvant, son 
of Varaz, from the countries of Turan,’ among those who will 
officiate on the last day at the general resurrection.2 In the 
Gathas themselves Zarathushtra devotes a stanza to the 
descendants of Fryana of Turan, as he was one who had been 
attracted to the Prophet and is selected to receive a destined 
reward. Zoroaster speaks of him with favoring words (Ys. 
46. 12): — 

‘When Asha (Righteousness) ® came unto those that are to 
be named as the children, and children’s children, of Fryana, 
the Turanian who zealously doth further the possessions of 
Armaiti, and when Vohu Manah (Good Thought) took up his 

1 Ys, 26.9; Vsp. 16. 2, adahyunam- 
ca asaonam fravasayd yazamaide, uz- 
daliyunamed, an idea of universal 

2Dk, 9. 83. 5, West, SBH. xxxvii. 
262; compare also Darmesteter, Le 

ZA, ii. 530, n. 179, and Justi, Iran. Na- 
menbuch, p. 1438. 

8 Te. instr. sg. as subject; so also 
below and elsewhere. 

#J.e. increasing Earth by agricul- 
tural activity. 


abode with them, (then) the Lord Mazda is announced to 
them to their comfort.! 

‘This man who among men did propitiate Spitama Zara- 
thushtra by his generosity, he is exalted to be praised; and the 
Lord Mazda gave life unto him, and Vohu Manah furthered 
for him his worldly goods, and him we regard as your goodly 
ally in Righteousness (Asha).’ 

A descendant of this virtuous Turanian house, Yoishto yé 
Fryanaim, is commemorated in a metrical passage of the 
Avesta, for his wisdom and for his victory over a malicious 
wizard Akhtya.? The episode is fully elaborated in the Pah- 
lavi tale which bears the name Yosht-i Fryano, and it need not 
be treated here.* 

Averred Conversions of Hindus. —In the great Persian 
Chronicle Shah Namah we have mention of the vigorous efforts 
that were made in the way of religious propaganda; Firdausi 
(or Dakiki) speaks of Mobeds who were sent on this holy mis- 
sion all over the world, assisted and aided by Isfendiar’s con- 
quering sword. The land of ‘Rim,’ or Asia Minor and the 
West, as well as Hindustan are included in the successful mis- 
sionary fields. The earlier Pahlavi work, Shikand Gumanik 
Vijar (A.D. ninth century) narrates the same fact when it 
speaks of the valiant Spend-dat and Zarir, and of those other 
noble sons of Vishtasp, who accepted the religion, of the con- 

1 Or ‘for their protection.’ 

2The house of Fryana has been 
aptly identified by Eugen Wilhelm 
with the family coming from Piran as 
ancestor, in the Shah Namah. See 
his comment in ZDMG. xliv. 151, and 
compare also Justi, Preuss. Jahrbiicher, 
Bd. 88, p. 251, and Iran. Namenbuch, 
p. 106. 

3 This wizard is killed in the eigh- 
lieth year of the Religion according to 
Zsp. 28. 10, West, SBE. xlvii. 166. 
That date would answer to s.c. 551, 
see Appendix IIT. 

4Cf. Yt. 5. 81-83, and the Pahlavi 
YOsht-1 Fryand, §§ 1-6, tr. by West 
and Haug in Arda Vira, pp. 247-266, 
London, 1872; also tr. by A. Bar- 
thélemy, Une légende iranienne, Paris, 
1889. See West, Grundriss d. iran. 
Philol. ii. 108, § 58, and Peshotan 
Darab Behramjee Sanjana, Dinkart, 
vol. v. p. 805. 

5 Further references will be given 
in the next chapter ; meanwhile notice 
Shah Namah, iii. 1498 seq., ed. Vullers- 
Landauer, and the translation of Mohl, 
iv. pp. 844, 499, 518, 542, 558. 


flicts and bloodshed, and says ‘they even wandered to Arim 
and the Hindis, outside the realm, in propagating the religion.’! 
The claim to Indian converts is quite persistent in the later 
writings, which is not so strange when we consider the Indo- 
Iranian kinship and the fact that the Parsis found in India an 
asylum from Mohammedan persecution. 

Story of the Brahman ‘Cangranghacah.’— The most inter- 
esting episode, perhaps, of the foreign conversions is the later 
Persian story which is told of Cangranghacah, a Brahman sage 
who comes from India to Vishtasp’s court in order to refute 
Zoroaster’s doctrines, but the Hindu teacher himself is taught 
by the greater master and becomes a devoted convert of the 
Priest of Iran. This picturesque narrative is recounted, with 
other matters, in the Cangranghacah Namah, a modern Persian 
poetical work of the thirteenth century.?- The author of this 
treatise is stated to be Zartusht Bahram Pazhdi, of the ancient 
city of Rai, who also composed the Zartusht Namah; and like 
the latter work it is claimed to be drawn from Pahlavi sources, 
if we may agree with Anquetil du Perron, who is our chief 
source of information on the subject. This story of the Brah- 
man’s conversion is briefly repeated in the Dabistan and it is 
alluded to incidentally in the text of the Dasatir and described 
in its commentary.* All this implies some currency of the tale. 
A brief abstract of the narrative, so far as it relates to the 
main event, is worth giving, and it is’ here presented, being 

1 Sgv. 10. 67-68, West, SBH. xxiv. 

2 Ms. in Fonds d’Anquetil, 10. Sup- 
plément d’ Anguetil, 13. 

8 Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, 
i, Pt. 2, p. 6, n., pp. 47-53, and p. 
xxxiii.; alsoi. Pt. 1, p. dxxxvi. § 67; 
and again, ii. p. 790, Index. The 
value of this treatise is not very highly 
esteemed by Spiegel, Die Traditionelle 
Literatur der Parsen, ii. 182, nor by 

Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 445. But 
its reputation may grow like the Zar- 
tusht Namah. For other references, 
see farther on. 

4 Dabistan, tr. by Shea and Troyer, 
i. 276-277 ; Desatir, (Dasatir) tr. by 
Mulla Firuz Bin Kaus, Bombay, 1818, 
ii. 125-126. See Appendix VI. On 
the character of the Dasatir, see also 
Wilson, Parsi Religion, pp. 411-412. 


based on the fuller account of the Cangranghaicah Namah 
found in Anquetil.? 

Sketch of the Incident. — The aged Brahman sage, Cangrang- 
hacah, is a philosopher whose learning and wisdom were far- 
famed throughout India and known in Iran. He is reported 
even to have been the teacher of Jimasp, minister to King Vish- 
tasp, whose devotion to Zoroaster is regarded as a fall from grace. 
Accordingly the Brahman writes to Vishtasp a letter remon- 
strating with the monarch for believing in the upstart Prophet. 
At the proposal of Vishtasp he finally comes himself to ‘ Balkh’ 
with a great following of devoted disciples, in order to debate 
with Zoroaster and to put the impostor to confusion. But he 
who came to scoff remains to pray. Zoroaster is prepared by 
premonition to answer all the seer’s questions before he asks 
them; and amid a great assemblage of learned men who have 
gathered from many parts of the country to listen for days to 
the religious debate, the chosen Priest of Ormazd disarms his 
antagonist before the latter has time to lift his weapons in dis- 
cussion and conflict. By reading a Nask or book of the 
Avesta, in which every difficult question prepared by the 
Hindu controversialist is already answered, he astonishes and 
utterly confounds the Brahman. So completely is the Hindu 
philosopher vanquished and convinced, that with remarkable 
candor he forthwith acknowledges his defeat, is converted, 
adopts the Faith, receives a copy of the Avesta from Zoroas- 
ter’s own hands, becomes a zealous adherent, and joins in 
spreading the Prophet’s teachings in Hindustan and the adja- 
cent countries, so that eighty thousand souls in this way 
receive the enlightenment of the true Faith. A festival is 
instituted to commemorate this important event. Such in 
brief is the story, which remotely reminds us of the ecclesias- 
tical convocations and the discussions and disputations of 

This legend, as stated, seems rather to be of later origin, and 

1 Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, pp. 47-53. 


it may have arisen after Zoroastrian believers found refuge in 
India in Mohammedan days; and where, as time went on, Brah- 
mans and Dasturs perhaps came into debate and conflict. Nev- 
ertheless it is as old as the Zartusht Namah, which has been 
proved to contain old material, and it is by the same author, as 
already explained; and religious intercourse and connection 
between India and Ivan at all periods in history is undoubted.? 
No great religion is confined to the bounds of its own country. 
And as for religious controversies and debates, nothing is more 
The Avesta alludes to a victorious debate with 
Naidyah Gaotema, whom some have tried, among several other 


suggestions, to identify with this same Brahman Cangrang- 
hacah.2 The Pahlavi texts speak of Zaratisht’s discussions 
with learned men whose questions he is able to answer even 
before they ask them. The statements on this subject have 
been given above.’ It is possible that in the Avesta we may 
discover the source of the story, which seems to be somewhat 
legendary, in a mistaken view that the Avestan adjective caz- 
rawvhae (Vsp. 1.1, etc.) contains an allusion to a proper name. 
Anquetil du Perron himself understood that epithet in the Vis- 
perad as an allusion to the Hindu sage.* On the other hand 
some have seen in this tradition of an Indian wise man, who 
comes to Iran, a late story concocted as an allusion to the 
famous Vedantist philosopher, S’afikara-Acarya.5 This view 

1The references of the Pahlavi 
Shikand Gimdanik Vijaér and of the 
Shah Namah to Zoroastrianism in In- 
dia have been given above. Further- 
more, on relations and intercourse 
between Persia and India in religious 
matters, see Shea and Troyer’s note 
in Dab. i. 276 n.; also the story of 
Bids, next to be given; and p. 72, n. 3. 

2Yt. 13. 16, see Windischmann, 
Mithra, p. 29, who suggests the pos- 
sibility ; but this is rejected by Justi, 
Hdb. d. Zendsprache, s.v. gaotama. 

The other identifications that have 
been suggested for Gaotema are dis- 
cussed in Appendix II., p. 177-178. 

3 See p. 61, and cf. Dk. 7. 4. 73; 5. 
2.10; Zsp. 23. 5 (West, SBH. xlvii. 
67, 124, 164). 

4 Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p. 92, and 
p. 61. 

5 See Bréal, Le Brahme Tcheng- 
rénghdtchah, in Journal Asiatique, 
1862, p. 497. Comparealso Shea and 
Troyer, Dabistan, i. 276, n. (Paris, 1848) ; 
and Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. p. 444, n. 


is especially based on an identification of the great philoso- 
pher’s name with the form of the Brahman’s name which is 
found in the Dasatir (vol. ii. 125) as Sankarakas (for which 
the Commentary understands Cangranghacah).1 Such a view 
is to be maintained only by premising that we are to regard 
the story as a later invention, purposely made up to exalt the 
triumph of an Iranian over a Hindu philosopher. 

The Hindu Sage ‘Bias.’ — A sequel to the story of the con- 
version of Cangranghacah is found in the tale of ‘ Bias’ told in 
the Dasatir and repeated from this source by the author of the 
Dabistin.2 The account describes how, when the news of 
Cangranghacah’s confession became noised abroad, another 
sage, Bias (i.e. Vyasa) by name, came from India to Ivan in 
order to refute Zoroaster and to convert him. Like his prede- 
cessor, however, Bias is soon impressed by Zardusht’s super- 
human knowledge and divine insight, which penetrates even 
into the inmost thoughts of his soul, so that he also accepts the 
religion, or (to quote the actual words of the Dasatir com- 
mentary) ‘he returned thanks to Yezdan and united himself 
to the Behdin, after which he returned back to Hind.’? This 
story is merely a counterpart of the preceding —a combina- 
tion of legend and myth that seeks to bring Vyasa, the fabulous 
author of the Vedas, into connection with Zarathushtra. 

Fabled Greek Conversions. — The statements of the Pahlavi 
Shikand Gumanik Vijar and of the Persian Shah Namah 
have already been given as claiming traditionally that the West 
(Phl. Ariim, Pers. Rim)* came under Zoroaster’s influence. 
The tradition is late, but in one respect it might not be so far 
from the truth if we should choose to look at Zoroastrianism 
simply in the light of Mithra-worship which, as is well known, 

1The Desatir (Dasatir), Bombay, 8 Dasatir, ii. 144; Dabistan, i. 280- 
1818, vol. ii. 125. See Appendix VI., 288. See Appendix VI. 
where the passage is reprinted. 4 The comprehensive term to denote 

2Dasatir ii, 126-143 (§§ 65-162) Asia Minor, Greece, and the Roman 
and Dabistan, i. 280-283. Empire. 


pushed its way even far into Europe. It is not unnatural, more- 
over, for religious devotees to lay claims to extraordinary foreign 
missionary conquests. This third great debate or theological 
dispute into which Zoroaster is presumed to have entered and 
to have come off victorious, is with a Greek philosopher and 
master, as recorded in the Dasatir and noticed by the Dabis- 
tan... The account is doubtless apocryphal, but it deserves 
consideration with the other alleged conversions, and there is 
perhaps a far-off echo of it in Hamzah of Isfahan, in a passage 
which describes how the Greeks evaded attempts to convert 
them, and the passage is given below in Appendix IV.? 

Briefly the Dasatir story of this conversion incident is as 
follows: In a prophetic passage the text of the Dasatir tells 
how a wise man, named Tiantr (Pers. Tutianish) or Niyatis, 
as the Dabistan calls him,® ‘will come from Nurakh (Pers. 
Yunan, i.e. Greece) in order to consult thee (O Zardusht) 
concerning the real nature of things. I will tell thee what he 
asketh and do thou answer his questions before he putteth 
them.’ The commentary upon this passage and also the 
Dabistan expressly state that the sages of Greece despatched 
this learned man after Isfendiar had promulgated the Faith in 
many lands. We may therefore infer that the event, if it 
occurred at all, took place some years after King Vishtasp had 
accepted the Religion. The god Mazda, on this occasion like- 
wise, instructs his prophet what he shall say and how he shall 
respond to the foreigner who is described as coming to 
‘Balkh.’> Ormazd assures Zardusht of success, and the com- 
mentary adds that ‘when the Yunani (i.e. Greek) sage heard 
all these words (of Zardusht), he entered into the Faith and 

1Dasatir, ii. 120-125 (§§ 42-62); and Shea and Troyer’s note to the 
Dabistan, i. 277-278. passage. On the language of the Da- 
2For the original, see Hamzah al- satir, see what is said in Wilson, Parsi 
Isfahani, Annales, ed. Gottwaldt, p.26; Religion, pp. 411-412. 
ef. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 4 Dasiatir, ii. 120, §§ 42-43. 
p. 33 and also p. 199 below. 5 See commentary upon Dasatir, ii. 
8 Dasatir, ii. 120; Dabistan, i. 277, 120, § 43; reprinted in Appendix VI. 


studied knowledge under the beloved of God, Zardusht the 
Prophet. (As a reward, moreover), the king of kings, Gush- 
tasp, bestowed on him the office of Chief of the Hirbeds of 
Yunan, and of the Mobeds of that country. The accomplished 
man (accordingly), having returned back to Yunan, brought 
over the inhabitants to the religion of that blessed Prophet.’ } 

This story, whatever may be its worth or its worthlessness, 
is not uninteresting because it shows the existence of a tradi- 
tion on the Oriental side regarding early connections between 
Iran and Greece in which religious matters came into play. 
There may, of course, lurk in such tradition some reminiscence 
of intercourse between the nations prior to the Graeco-Persian 
wars. The note of Hamzah al-Isfahani on some attempt to 
spread Zardusht’s Gospel among the Hellenes has been men- 
tioned above, with a Pahlavi reference also and a tradition in 
Firdausi.2— We must not forget that the Dinkart asserts that a 
Greek translation was made of the Avesta.2 We may further- 
more recall several allusions of the Greeks themselves to the 
effect that Plato, Hermodorus, Theopompus, and others came 
under the influence of Magian doctrines.t The name of this 
Grecian converted sage (Tianir, Tutianiish, or Niyatiis) is very 
obscure and the reading is uncertain. But an identification 
with Pythagoras has been suggested on the basis of the point 
just presented.® Whether founded on fiction, as is likely, or 
based upon fagt, as is unlikely, the account merits recording 
and is fully given in Appendix VI. below, while the classical 
passages on Pythagoras, who is said to have studied in Babylon 
under the Magi, and on Plato might be worth looking over 
again in Appendix V., and in Chapter I., p. 7, n. 5. 

Did Zoroaster ever visit Babylon ? — In this same connection, 
when speaking of Babylon, it may be appropriate perhaps to 

1 Dasatir, ii. 125, § 62, commentary 4 For references, see Chap. I., pp. 
and text. 7-8. 
2See pp. 78, 84, 88. 5 See Troyer’s note on Dabistan, i. 

5Dk. 3 (West, SBE. xxxvii. p. 277. I should think ‘Plato’ might be 
Xxxi.). as plausible a suggestion. 


mention a statement made by the Pahlavi Dinkart which ascribes 
to the religion of Zaratisht the overthrow of error and evil in 
‘Bapel,’ and it accounts this achievement as one of the marvels 
of the Faith.t The passage speaks of the existence of ‘several 
matters of evil deceit which Dahak had done in Bapél through 
witchcraft ; and mankind had come to idol-worship through that 
seduction, and its increase was the destruction of the world ; 
but through the triumphant words of the religion which Zara- 
tusht proclaimed opposing it, that witchcraft is all dissipated 
and disabled.’? 

There is of course a distant possibility that after the Faith 
became fairly established Zoroaster himself actually did go on 
missionary journeys, teaching and preaching and exercising the 
influence of his own strong personality, We need only think 
of the three brief years of our Lord’s ministry. At all events 
it is not wholly impossible to believe that several places were 
visited, perhaps including Persepolis also,? even if we are not 
prepared to accept so extravagant a view as that Babylon was 
among the number. It is true that some of the classical writers 
make Pythagoras a follower of Zoroaster or at least of the Magi, 
who were established at Babylon and into whose mysteries he 
was initiated.4 The theory of personal travel need not be 
pressed too far; where the effect of the Religion came, there also 
the Master himself had gone in influence, if not in person. In 

1Dk. 7. 4. 72, West’s translation in 
SBE. xlvii. 66. 

2 The text does not indicate at what 
time in Zoroaster’s career this event is 
supposed to have been brought about, 
or whether it did not come to pass 
later through the developments and 
spread of the Religion. The actual 
fall of Babylon occurred a generation 
after the Prophet. One might possibly 
conjecture from the passage that ‘the 
Religion’ perhaps joined hands with 
the conqueror Cyrus in destroying this 
city, which is spoken of with hatred 

in the Avesta as ‘Bawri’; cf. Yt. 5. 
29-81; cf.15. 19-21. In MEh. 27. 64- 
67, the old king, Lohrasp, is regarded 
as having destroyed Jerusalem and dis- 
persed the Jews, a statement which is 
found elsewhere; see West, SBE. 
xxiv. 64. Somewhat similar is Dk. 5. 
1.5, cf. SBE. xlvii. 120. Brunnhofer, 
Vom Pontus bis zum Indus, p. 147, 
might be noticed. 

8 See references to Istakhr already 
given, and also below in Appendix IV. 

4See references in Chap. I., pp. 
7-8, and in Appendix V. 


this we have only another phase of the footprints of Buddha. 
Regarding Babylon, moreover, everything which associates 
Zoroaster’s name with this city can but be of interest to the 
student of the Exilic Period of the Bible. 

Conclusion. — The story of the spread of the Faith, so far as i 
we can gather it from tradition, implies that missionary efforts 
carried the Avesta to foreign lands as well as throughout the 
territory of Iran. Tales are told of Hindu conversions, and 
even Greeks are fabled to have accepted the Creed. Zoroaster 
himself may possibly have engaged personally in the general 
movement of the propaganda, but there is no proof that he 
visited Babylon. His time no doubt was constantly taken up 
in working for the Faith;)some of the results which were 
achieved and some of the events which happened in the follow- 
ing years of the Religion are recorded in the next two 



Homo in sacerdotio diligentissimus. 
— Cicrro, Oratio pro Rab. Perd. 10. 27. 

Inrropuction — Recorp or A Norewortuy Conversion — TRADITION OF 
ZOROASTER’S Heating a Brinn Man—Quesstion or ZoroasTEr’s SCIEN- 
—Tue Sacrep Fires — Conciusion 

Introduction. 2M arpisten life was a long one and his min- 
istry covered a number of years; yet tradition does not give us 
all the details which we might wish so as to be able more defi- 
nitely to mark off into periods or epochs the fifteen years or 
more that intervened between Vishtaspa’s conversion and the 
beginning of the Holy Wars that were waged against Arejat- 
aspa.) In other words, we are not altogether clear in dividing 
up and distributing the events that seem to have happened, 
roughly speaking, between Zoroaster’s forty-fifth year and the 
sixtieth year of his life. We certainly know they must have 
been active years, the years of a man of vigorous mind who 
has just passed his prime, and no doubt some of the events 
which have been described in the preceding chapter may 
belong to this time, or even possibly later. The foregoing 
‘chapter, in fact, perhaps leaves an impression of too great pre- 
cision in the distribution of its incidents. "We may therefore 
take it with some latitude in connection with the present. If 
an attempted distinction is to be drawn, as the latter chapter dealt 
mainly with promulgation and conversion, this one may deal 



rather with the ministration and organization, with missionary 
labors and the exercise of priestly functions. It must be kept 
in mind, however, that trying to locate in it the events which 
may have occurred at this time is a task that is difficult to per- 
form with much satisfaction, and the work may be regarded 
rather as tentative, and as an endeavor to use material which 
remains at hand. 

Record of a Noteworthy Conversion. — One event, however, 
is definitely located for us by tradition as belonging to a spe- 
cific year in this period. The circumstance must have been 
regarded as one of real importance, owing to its being so 
emphatically chronicled; we shall therefore notice it at once. 
It is the conversion of a heretic, a Kavig or ungodly priest, 
who is won over to the true Faith. This is recorded in the 
Selections of Zat-sparam, which say: ‘In the twentieth year 
(of the Religion) the Kavig who is son of Kindah is attracted 
(to the Faith).’! Although the name is not definitely known, 
the incident is none the less sure; and if we accept the tradi- 
tional date of ‘the twentieth year’ of the Religion, we may set 
down this event for B.c. 611,? at which time Zoroaster would 
have been in the fiftieth year of hisage. All this makes the 
incident not without interest. 

Tradition of Zoroaster’s healing a Blind Man. —JIn connec- 
tion with Zoroaster’s ministry and possibly as a reminiscence 
of a missionary journey, or work in that field, unless we are to 
refer it to an earlier period of his career, we may make men- 
tion here of a legendary story of his healing a blind man. 
The story is told by Shahrastani of Khorassan (A.p. 1086- 
1153) who locates the scene rather in Persia Proper.? The 

1 Zsp. 23. 8, West, SBE. xlvii. 165. 
The reading of the proper name from 
the Pahlavi is not certain. West's 
note on the passage offers ‘ Kinih’ as 
a possibility. 

2 According to the Bindahishn chro- 
nology worked out by West, SBE. 

xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appendix III. 

8 My attention was first drawn to 
this story by a letter from Prof. G. F. 
Moore, Andover, Mass., dated June 
238, 1892. 


account runs as follows: ‘As he (i.e. Zardusht) was passing a 
blind man in Dinawar,! he told them to take a plant, which he 
described, and to drop the juice of it into the man’s eyes, and he 
would be able to see; they did this and the blind man was restored 
to sight.’2 Even if this incident should belong to an earlier 
period of Zoroaster’s life, or to the time of his wandering, it 
nevertheless serves to show a tradition that miraculous healing 
power was believed to be exercised both by Zoroaster and by 
virtue of the Faith itself. The latter point might find 
sufficient exemplification in the Avestan Vendidad. : 

Question of Zoroaster’s Scientific Knowledge. — The tradi- 
tion which has just been recounted of the healing of the blind 
man brings up another point which requires note. This is the 
question of Zoroaster’s scientific knowledge, which is a side of 
his character that is distinctly recognized by tradition, and 
which must have come into play in his ministry. There is evi- 
dence that he showed a practical bent of mind in his work as 
well as the theoretical and speculative turn in his teaching.. 
All accounts of the Religion indicate that the necessity of minis- 
tering to the wants of the body, as well as to the needs of the 
soul, was fully comprehended. Nor is medical knowledge 
to-day regarded as unessential or to be dispensed with in some 
branches of foreign missionary work. The records of antiquity 
imply that the Zoroastrian books, by their encyclopediac 
character, stood for many sides of life. Some of the original 
Nasks of the Avesta are reported to have been wholly sci- 
entific in their contents, and the Greeks even speak of books 
purported to be by Zoroaster on physics, the stars, and precious 
stones. It is true these need not have come from Zoroaster at 

1 This village is located by Yakit, scientifique en Perse; Paris, 1894-97, 
twenty farsangs from Hamadan ; itlies especially tome iv. p. 290. 
between this and Kirmanshah. See 2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de _ p. 50. 
la Perse, p. 251, p. 867 (Shiz), 515 8 See p. 8 above, and Appendix V. 
(Mah-Dinar) ; and for a description below, under Suidas and Pliny. 
of the place see de Morgan Mission 


all; but this represents a phase of life that Zoroaster or fie’ 
apostles stood for. Tradition recognizes the presence of this 
practical element in the Religion which made it appeal to 
many who might not otherwise have been attracted, and which 
must have contributed in no small degree to its spread. The — 
priests were the real conservators of knowledge and learning. ra 

As an illustration of their practical knowledge, so serviceable 
to mankind, we may notice a passage in the Dinkart, which 
claims that the debt owed to Zoroaster in this respect is 
extensive. The text reads: ‘One marvel is the disclosure by 
Zaratisht, in complete beneficence, medical knowledge, ac- 
quaintance with character, and other professional retentiveness, 
secretly and completely, of what is necessary for legal knowl- 
edge and spiritual perception ; also, the indication by revelation, 
of the rites for driving out pestilence, overpowering the demon 
and witch, and disabling sorcery and witchcraft. The curing 
of disease, the counteraction of wolves and noxious creatures, 
the liberation of rain.’! This and a number of ordinary prac- 
tices, which have a bearing upon every-day life, are included in 
this list of what the Pahlavi text calls ‘worldly wisdom’ 
(gehdnd-xiratoth), as contrasted with ‘angelic wisdom’ or ‘divine 
knowledge’ (yazddnd-xiratoih).2 The brief résumé sums up 
what was expected to be found in the repertory of the wandering 
Athravan, or descendant of the Prophet, at least in Sassanian 
times, and quite as likely it represents some of the sides of 
Zoroaster’s own activity during the long period of his 

Other Items of Interest, Incidents, and Events. — Tradition 
has preserved a few more items of interest, incidents, or occur- 
rences and events which may belong to the period of these 
years. A suggestion has been made that Zoroaster may have 
visited his own home in his native land of Adarbaijin. Anque- 
til even thought that Urumiah is mentioned in the Avesta in 

1 Dk. 7. 5. 8-9, translated by West. 2 See West’s note in SBZ. xlvii. 76. 
SBE. xlvii. 75-76. 


an injunction given by Ahura Mazda bidding Zarathushtra, as 
he conceived it, to proceed to a certain place. But this is a 
mistaken interpretation of the passage.! Anquetil also under- 
stood that Zoroaster and Vishtaisp were together in Istakhr 
(Persepolis).2. This view is apparently based upon the fact 
that Zoroaster induces Vishtasp to transfer one of the sacred 
fires from Khorasmia to Darabjard, in Persia, asstated by Masiidi,? 
and based upon Tabari (and Bundari after him) who describes 
how the Avesta was written down in golden letters upon the 
hides of twelve thousand oxen and ‘Vishtasp placed this at 
Istakhr in a place called Darbisht (or Zarbisht?).’* This may 
be noticed also in connection with the tradition of Jamasp’s 
writing down the Avesta from Zoroaster’s teachings (p. 76), 
and is also brought up in connection with the tradition that 
the archetype copy of the Avesta was deposited in the 
‘treasury of Shapigan’ (or however we are to read the name 
and its variants) as discussed below in Appendix IV. 

<During this period we can likewise imagine Zoroaster as: 

otherwise much engaged in organizing the new religion, in 
founding fire-temples as described below, and in exercising in 
\yarious ways his function as Chief Priest 3 Arot the least of these 
perhaps was in establishing the rite of ordeal as already noticed, 
or in celebrating the event of Vishtasp’s conversion by planting 
the cypress of Kishmar, before described. There were also 
times when prophetic visions were granted and hallowed enun- 
ciations were made. The Pahlavi Bahman Yasht (and after it 
the Zartusht Namah) records a favored vision which was allowed 
to Zoroaster, in which he foresees, during a seven days’ trance, 
the whole future of the Religion.6 Even the Apocryphal New 
Testament in one passage claims that Zoroaster prophesied the 

1 Anquetil du Perron, i. Pt. 2, p. 8 Masiidi, trad. Barbier de Meynard, 
52, n. 1. The misinterpretation of iv. 75. 
the words Airyama Ishya is repeated £ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
by Kleuker, ZA. Theil 3, p. 35. p. 37 ; Hyde, Hist. Relig. p. 315 (1ed.). 
2 Anquetil du Perron, op. cit. p. 53 5 Bahman Yt. 2. 6-9, seq., tr. by 
= Kleuker, ZA. Theil 3, p. 35. West, SBH. v. pp. 191-235. 




coming of Christ;! and a Syriac writer, Solomon of Hilat 
(A.D. 1250) tells a tradition of a special fountain of water, 
called Gldsha of Hérin, where the royal bath was erected and 
by the side of this fountain Zoroaster predicted to his disciples 
the coming of the Messiah. 2 

_ The Sacred Fires. “There can be little doubt that much ofS 
 Zoroaster’s time was spent in the care of the sacred fire or in 
the furthering of the special cult throughout the land. Tradition 
counts that one of the most important features of Vishtaspa’s 
conversion was his active agency in founding new places in 
which the holy flame might be worshipped or in reéstablish- . 
_ing old Atash-gihs.. /Tn a special (prose) chapter, the Avesta 
describes the various sacred fires recognized by the Faith, and 
the Bindahishn gives additional details on the subject ;3 Fir- 
dausi mentions several so-called Fire-Temples,t and Masidi, 
among other Mohammedan writers, devotes a number of pages 
to the subject of the Magian pyraea, several of which he says 
existed before Zoroaster came. Numerous Arabic writers 
refer to the question, and as their references are accessible, 
they need only be summarized here.§ 

Masudi and Shahrastani tell of some ten different Pyraea 
or places of fire-worship which existed in Iran before Zoro- 
aster’s time, and they give the name or location of each. Zoro- 
aster himself causes a new temple to be built in Nishapir, and 
another in Nisaea.’? Furthermore, at his request King Vishtasp 

1 Apocr. NT. I. Infancy, ch. iii. 1. 5 Masiidi, Les Prairies d’Or. Texte 

2 See Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster, p.29; Kuhn, Hine Zoroastrische 
Prophezeiung, p. 219 in Festgruss an 
Roth, Stuttgart, 1898; and Wallis 
Budge, Book of the Bee, p. 81 seq. in 
Anec. Oxon., Oxford, 1886. Of course 
compare Yt. 19. 89-95; Dk. 7. 8. 55. 

3 Avesta, Ys. 17. 11; cf. also Vd. 8. 
73-96 ; Pahl. Bd.17.1-9. See especially 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 149-157. 

4E.g. ShN. Mohl, iv. 291, 364, etc. 

et Trad. par C. Barbier de Meynard, 
iv. 72, 75 seq. ; and see Shahrastani, 
Uebersetzt, Haarbriicker, i. 275 seq. 

6 On the fires, see especially the 
material in Gottheil, References to Zo- 
roaster, pp. 45-47; Hyde Relig. Pers. 
p. 353-362, 

7 Masidi, Prairies, iv. 75; Shahras- 
tani, i. 276; cf. Gottheil, References to 
Zoroaster, pp. 46, 47. 


seeks for the fire of Jemshéd, which is found in Khorasmia, and 
he has it transferred to Darabjard in Persia. This latter fire 
is said to be especially venerated by the Magi. Other Pyraea 
are mentioned in Seistan, Rim (Constantinople), Bagdad, Greece 
(without the fire), India, and in China. Not without interest 
is the mention of the fire-temple in Kimis (Comisene) which 
bore the name of « Jarir,’ apparently after Vishtasp’s son Zarir.} 

Among all the fires there seem to be three which stand, in 
later times of the Sassanians, as the threefold representative of 
the sacred element, corresponding to the social division of the 
community into three classes, priests, warriors, and laboring 
men.? The names of the three great fires are given as fol- 
lows : — 

1. Atir Farnbag, the fire of the priests. This fire, 
whose name appears as Farnbag, Froba, Khurrad, Khordad, 
being a corruption of * Hvarend-bagha or * Hvarené-data, i.e. 
‘the fire of the Glory Divine, or the fire Glory-Given,’ is one 
of the most ancient and most sacred of the holy fires in Iran.® 
Existing as early as Yima’s reign, and having been established 
in the Khorasmian land or the eastern shore of the Caspian 
Sea, it was removed by Kavi Vishtaspa to Cabul, if we are to 
accept the commonly received statements on the subject.* 

1So Shasrastani, i. 275, but seem- 
ingly a different reading or form of 
the name (i.e. Djerich) is found in 
Masidi, iv. 74. See also Gottheil, Ref- 
erences to Zoroaster, pp. 45, 46. 

2 Bd. 17. 5-8, and Ys. 17.11. Cf. 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 149 seq., and 
Masiidi, loc. cit. 

8Cf. Arda Viraf, tr. Haug and 
West, p. 146, note ; and Bd. 17. 5-6. 

4So Bd. 17%. 5-6 if we read the 
Pahlavi name as ‘ Kabul’ with West 
(SBE. v. 63) ; otherwise we may un- 
derstand it was removed, not eastward, 
but to the west, if we follow Darmes- 
teter, Le ZA. i. 154, in doubting the 

reading ‘ Kavul (Kabul) ’ which West, 
however, gives (SBE. v. 63). Dar- 
mesteter follows Masidi, Shahrastani, 
and Yakut ; similarly, Ibn al-Fakih al- 
Hamadhani (a.p. 910); Albiriini (p. 
215, tr. Sachau) —all cited by Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, pp. 43-47. 
The subject is also discussed below in 
connection with the scene of Zoro- 
aster’s ministry, Appendix IV., p. 217. 
It is evident that Shahrastani’s Aza- 
rua is for Adaran shah, ‘king of 
fires,’ Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 157, 
Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 47. 


2. Attr Gishnasp (Gishasp), the fire of the warriors. 
The name Gishnasp is probably a corruption from * Varshan- 
aspa, ‘male-horse,’ cf. Skt. vrsan-as’vd, an epithet of Agni, as 
noted by Darmesteter. This was a very ancient fire and it 
early played a part when Kai Khiisrav exterminated idol-wor- 
ship. It was situated in the neighborhood of Lake Urumiah, 
or on Mount Asnavand upon the shores of that lake.t_ Accord- 
ing to the Zaratusht Namah, this was one of the fires which 
came with the Archangels to aid in Vishtaspa’s conversion as 
described in Chap. V., p. 65, n. 1. 

3. Atir Birzhin Mitro, the representative of the labor- 
ing class. The name, also in Persian, Burzin Mihr, corre- 
sponds to *Berezant Mithra.2 This third fire, or the special 
fire of the laborer, played an important part in Vishtaspa’s con- 
version. This is located on Mount Raévant in Khorassan in the 
vicinity of Lake Sovar (mentioned in the Bundahishn), in the 
region of Tus, as noticed also below in Appendix IV., p. 216.8 
A similar situation is given to it by Firdausi.4 Perhaps there 
is an echo of the name of this fire lingering in the name of the 
small town Mihr to the west of Nishapir, although for a fuller 
statement of Houtum-Schindler’s view, reference is made to 
p- 216. Several of the Mohammedan writers, as noticed above, 
state that the special fire of Zoroaster was in the neighborhood 
of Nishaptr. We recall that Khorassan was the land of the 
planting of the cypress of Kishmar, and the scene of the clos- 
ing battles which ended the Holy War — all of which is of inter- 
est in connection with the field of Zoroaster’s ministry. 

Conclusion. — The aim of this chapter has been to present 
such material as we can gather for the events of Zoroaster’s 
life during the years next preceding the outbreak of the Holy 

1 Bd.17.7; Zsp. 6.22; West, SBE. 
v. 63, 173. See also p. 48 above. 

2Cf. Av. Miéram .. . barazantam, 
Yt. 10. 7. 

8 Bd. 12. 18. 32-35; Zsp. 6. 22; cf. 
also Bd. 12. 24; 22.3; West, SBH. 

v. 88, 41, 1738. See likewise Anquetil 
du Perron, ZA. i. Pt. 2, p. 46, n. 2 
(on Khorassan). 

*Cf. ShN. iii. 1499, Vullers-Lan- 
dauer = trad. Mohl, iv. 291. 


Wars. /In this way an impression has been gained of certain’ 
other sides of Zoroaster’s character and activity, especially the 

~practical side which his nature probably also had. / The mate- 
rial from which to judge of these points, however, is found to 
be rather meagre. Finally, special attention has also been 
devoted to the subject of the spread of the fire-cult by Zoro- 
aster and the work which was accomplished in founding new 
Atash-gahs or in reéstablishing the old Pyraea. But all these 
events did not come to pass without a struggle; nor were the 
actual results achieved without a hard fight. If the Faith 
which Vishtaspa has adopted is to become the state creed of 
the realm, this is not destined to come to pass without a 
struggle, especially with powers outside. Warfare is insep- 
arable from crusading; and we see gathered in the horizon the 
clouds of the storm about to burst over Iran. 



‘Fight the good fight of faith.’ 
— Timorny I. 6. 12. 

Intropuction — Reiicgious WarFARE IN THE AvEsTA — AREJAT-ASPA, OR 
Dares — Arnsdsp’s Uttimatum — His First Invasion; toe Hoty War 
AND THE FoLLowine Events — Argasp’s Seconp Invasion; THE Last 
Hoty War — Summary 

Introduction.— Up to this point it might appear as if the\ 
progress of the Religion had been one only of success and 
smooth advance. Such, however, cannot have been the case in 
reality. We have to do with a church militant, and there is 
evidence, in its history, of more than one hard-fought battle 
before victory is achieved. Not all conversions were easily 
made. The sword rather than the olive-branch would be the 
more suitable emblem to deck the earlier pages of the history.~ 
of the Faith. 7 
Owing to circumstances the development of the idea of uni- 
versal peace and of general good-will towards neighbors was 
not allowed to play so important a part as it might have 
played theoretically in the first stages of the new Religion. 
When crusading for the Faith began, bitter struggles and 
antipathies soon came into existence. The war-cry of creed 
versus unbelief begins to fill the air. Old political and 


national feuds take on a new color—the tinge of religious 
antagonism. This latter statement is especially true of the 
ancient enmity between Iran and Turan. This breaks out 
afresh in the form of a war of creeds between the Hyaonian 
leader Arejat-aspa, as he is called in the Avesta, or Arjasp of 
Turan, as he is later generally styled, and the pious hero of 
Zoroastrianism, Kavi Vishtaspa (Vishtasp, Gushtasp). Vic- 
tory ultimately attends upon the Creed of the Fire and the 
Sacred Girdle, but the stages of progress have to be fought 
step by step. Bloodshed and distress precede success and / 
triumph. a 
Religious Wars in the Avesta. — Before turning to the great 
Holy Wars against Arejat-aspa, we must first notice that the 
Avesta also records several other violent conflicts which are 
looked upon in the light of hallowed warfare against unbelief. 
“The Avesta mentions some eight powerful foes over whom 
Vishtaspa, or his gallant brother Zairivairi (Zarir) invoke 
divine aid in battle, and victory descends upon their banners in_- 
\_ answer to their prayers. ; We know at least the names of these 
vanquished warriors, for they are given in the Yashts. We 
read of Tathryavant and Peshana,! Ashta-aurvant, son of Vispa- 
thaurvo-ashti,2 Darshinika and Spinjaurusha® and of Pesho- 
cingha and Humayaka.* All are spoken of as infidels, heathen, 
heretics, or unbelievers. The details of the battles against 
them are unfortunately lost. In point of time some of these 
occurred in the period of conversions already described. 
From the claims of the sacred text we know that victory 
waited upon the faithful. cr 
Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) and the Holy Wars. — The inveterate 
i # foe and mortal enemy of Vishtaspa, however, is Arejat-aspa 
(Arjasp), or the infidel Turk, as later history would have 
styled him. He stands as the great opponent of the national 
Faith, and we are fortunate in having considerable traditional 


1Yt. 5.109; Yt. 19. 87; cf. Yt. 9. 31. 8 Yt. 9. 30-31. 
2 So Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 439. 4Yt. 5. 113. 


information preserved regarding these wars with him. They 
are of paramount importance in the history of Zoroaster and 
his Creed, and they require fuller discussion. Details of the 
campaigns may be gathered from the Avesta, the Pahlavi writ- 
ings, the Shah Namah, and from some allusions in Arab chroni- 
clers. The account given in the Shah Namah dates from the 
tenth century of our era, and it is partly by the hand of Fir- 
dausi’s predecessor, Dakiki, as Firdausi himself expressly states 
when he describes the thousand lines which he had received 
from Dakiki in a dream—the thousand lines relating to Zo- 
roaster and Gushtasp and the founding of the Faith! The 
principal references are here collected and presented for 

The warfare against Arejat-aspa is known in the Pahlavi 
writings as ‘the war of the religion.’ In the Avestan and 
Pahlavi texts Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) is the leader of the hostile 
folk known as Hyaonians (Av. H'yaona, Phil. Khyén). This 
nation has rightly or wrongly been identified with the Chionitae 

of the classics. 
Appendix IV. 

1 See p. 5, n. 2; also see Mohl, trad. 
iv. 286-357, and consult Néldeke in 
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 148-150. 

2 References to Arejat-aspa and the 
Holy Wars: Avesta, Yt. 5. 109, 113- 
117; Yt. 19.87; Yt. 9. 29-31 = Yt. 17. 
49-51. — Pahlavi, Dk. 7. 4. 77, 83, 
84, 87-89; 7. 5. 7; 5. 2. 12 (mote by 
West) ; 5. 3. 1 (West, p. 126); 8. 11. 
4; 9. 61. 12; 4. 21 (West, SBH. 
xxxvii. 412) ; Bd. 12. 32-34; Byt. 3. 
9 (and 2. 49, note by West) ; Zsp. 23. 
8 (all these references are cited ac- 
cording to West’s translations in the 
Sacred Books) ; furthermore, the Pah- 
lavi Yatkar-i Zariran (which is con- 
stantly cited from the very useful 
contribution of Geiger, Das Yatkar-i 
Zariran und sein Verhdltnis zum 

This subject is more fully discussed below in 
In any event Arejat-aspa stands for the head 

Sah-Name, in Sb. a. k. bayer. Akad. 
der Wiss. 1890, Bd. ii. pp. 43-84. — 
Firdausi, Shab Namah, ed. Vullers- 
Landauer, vol. iii. p. 1495 seq. ; ci- 
tations also made after the French 
translation by Mohl, Le Livre des 
Rois, iv. 293 seq. (Paris, 1877) ; cf. 
likewise the paraphase by J. Atkinson, 
Shah Namah, translated and abridged, 
London and New York, 1886 ; further- 
more, Vullers, Fragmente tiber Zoroas- 
ter, Bonn, 1831. Pizzi’s translation 
was not accessible. — Arabic Writ- 
ers, Tabari, extract quoted by Ndl- 
deke, Persische Studien, ii. 6-7, and 
by Gottheil, References to Zoroaster ; 
finally, Mirkhond, History of Persia, 
tr. by Shea, pp. 288-295, 313-326. 
§ E.g. Bd. 12. 33. 


of the chief inimical power among the heathen ; the Shah Namah 
regards him as the head of Turan, Turkestan, China. 

We have evidence of two distinct invasions by Arjasp’s 
forces, although the Avesta does not make clear the fact that 
there were two wars. “The Pahlavi texts are not so explicit on 
the subject as are the Shah Namah and some works, but the 
traditional dates which cover a period of seventeen years, as 
given by the Pahlavi writings, allow the inference of the two 
wars or two invasions. Both these religious conflicts result 

in victory for Iran; yet not without severest loss for a time. ) 

In the first war, Vishtaspa’s brother Zairivairi (Zarér, Zarir) 
and the latter’s son Bastavairi (Bastvar, so read for Nastur)? 
are the heroes of the fight; in the second war, Vishtaspa’s son 
Isfendiar, by his deeds of marvellous prowess, eclipses even 
the glory of these two heroic combatants. It seems appro- 
priate to give some description of these wars and some dis- 
cussion of the subject because of its bearing upon the early 
history of Zoroastrianism. The sources have already been 
mentioned (pp. 5, 38); truly to appreciate the subject one 
ought to read the accounts of tradition, or of fiction as some 
may prefer to call it, in the Yatkar-1 Zariran and in the Shah 
Namah, which have been oftenest drawn upon. Here there is 
space merely to give excerpts from their descriptions or to give 
an outline of their contents. 

Outbreak of Hostilities; Causes and Dates. —If we accept the 
date given by the Zoroastrian tradition, which belongs to the 
time of the Sassanidae, it was some seventeen years after Vish- 
taspa’s conversion that the war against Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) 
broke out. The Pahlavi selections of Zat-sparam state that 
‘in the thirtieth year (of the Religion) the Khyons arrive, who 
make an incursion into the countries of Iran.’ On the basis 
of traditional chronology, as worked out by Dr. E. W. West, 

1 These names belong to the Avesta, 2 Zsp. 23. 8, tr. West, SBH. xlvii. 
the Pahlavi, and the Shah Namah. 165. 


we may place this event in the year B.c. 601.1 The Shah 
Namah likewise shows that, after the conversion of the king, 
some time must have elapsed before the great war began.? The 
day of the final battle of this war, it may be added, is given by 
the Yatkar-i Zariran as Farvadin.® _ 
~~ As for causes, the ostensible ground for the original difficulty ~ 
was found in Vishtasp’s refusal to continue the payment of 
tribute and revenue to Arjasp and in the latter’s consequent 
and persistent pressing of his demand. So much, at least, for 
the pretence. The actual ground for difficulty, however, seems 
to have been the religious difference ; for Vishtasp’s adoption 
___of the new Faith really lies at the basis of the trouble, The 
religious question is certainly mixed up with the tribute matter. 
Perhaps one could hardly expect the two to be separated. The 
affair of the tribute is recorded in the Pahlavi Dinkart as well 
as in the Shah Namah. On the other hand, the Yatkar-i 
Zariran makes the religious issue the main one.’ In the Shah 
Namah, when the question comes up, Zoroaster appears prac- 
tically in the position of a cardinal vested with regal power and 
wielding a vigorous hand in matters of state. He urges Gush- 
tasp (Vishtaspa) absolutely to refuse payment of the tax. The 
great Priest’s personal interest in the political situation and 
problem to be settled is evidently largely governed by religious 
motives ; Arjasp, it is known, had declined to accept the true 
Faith. In the Prophet’s eyes, therefore, Turan is destined ‘to 
be damned. Accordingly it is the Powers of Hell itself that 
rise up to inflame Arjasp’s fury against Iran. The Dinkart 

1See West, SBE. xlvii. Introd. Zaratisht play a lesser part than 

§ 55, and Appendix III. below. 

2Cf. Shah Namah, ed. Vullers- 
Landauer, iii. 1500, cand2 rézgdar, and 
Mohl, iv. 298, ‘quelque temps.’ Note 
also that Zoroaster is now spoken of 
as ‘old’ (pir) ; according to tradition 
he would have been sixty at the time. 
The Yatkar hardly implies the lapse 
of so long an interval, and it makes 

Jaémasp who seems rather to be the 
religious adviser of the king. 

8'YZ. § 85 (Geiger). 

£Dk. 7. 4. 77, West, SBH. xlvii. 
68; ShN. tr. Mohl, iv. 293. 

5 YZ. § 1 seq. 

6 ShN. Mohl, iv. pp. 289, 294; YZ. 
§ 1 seq. 


believes that no less a personage than Aéshma, the Arch- 
demon of Wrath, conveyed clandestinely to Arjasp the tidings 
of Vishtasp’s fixed and unswerving refusal. The statement 
tells the whole story: ‘ When Vishtasp, accepting the religion, 
praises righteousness, the demons in hell are disabled ; and the 
demon Aéshm (Av. Aéshma) rushes to the country of the 
Khyons and to Arjasp, the deadly one of the Khyons, because 
he was the mightiest of tyrants at that time; and the most 
hideous of all, of so many of them in the country of the Khyons, 
are poured out by him for,war.’? 

Arjasp’s Ultimatum. + Arjasp forthwith makes a formal de- 
mand in writing and states the conditions upon which alone 
he will remain at peace; and he adds an ultimatum to the 
effect that Gushtasp (Vishtaspa) must abandon the new creed 
or be prepared to have the country of Iran invaded within two 
months.? The authority for these statements is to be found in 
the Yatkar and in the Shah Namah; the details of the mes- 
sages, whether fictitious or actual, are preserved in their pur- 
port and intention, at least, in these same works. The names 
of the two messengers whom Arjasp despatches to convey 
this decisive letter have been preserved as Vidrafsh and 
Namkhvast of the Hazars.2 The problem of the location of 
Arejat-aspa’s kingdom and of the Hyaonians of the Avesta has 
already been alluded to and it is more fully discussed below in 
Appendix IV.* Here we shall only note that the Shah Namah 
locates the Turanians on the other side of the Oxus and makes 
Arjasp despatch his envoys from the city of Khallakh or Khal- 
lukh to Vishtasp in Balkh. Although Zoroaster was the chief 

1Dk. 7. 4. 87, tr. West, SBE. 
xlvii. 72, and see Dk. 8. 11. 4, ‘the 
demon of wrath.’ Compare also the 
mention of ‘wrath’ in Byt. 3. 9, West, 
SBE. v. 218. The Shah Namah has 
narrah Divi, ShN. iii. 1500, ed. Vul- 
lers-Landauer; cf. Mohl, iv. 293. 

20On the time ‘two months’ see 

Shah Namah, Mohl, iv. 298, and Yat- 
kar, § 12. 

8 YZ. § 2 (Geiger, p. 47), ShN. 
Mobl, iv. p. 300. See also Dk. 7. 4, 
77, ‘the deputed envoys of Arjasp 
. .. who demand tribute and revenue’; 
sak va-baz6 (West, SBE. xvii. 68). 

4 See p. 123 seq. 


instigator of the trouble between the two rulers,! it is not 
unnatural, perhaps, that we find Jamasp assuming the chief 
role as counsellor, for he was prime minister, chancellor, and 
grand vizir.2 On the receipt of the arrogant message, Vish- 
tasp’s warlike brother Zarir (Av. Zairivairi, Phl., Mod. P. 
Zarér, Zarir) at once steps forward and boldly hurls defiance 
in the face of Arjasp’s messengers; he endites in response a 
stern letter, to which the king gives approval, and he hands it 
to the envoys to deliver on their return.? War is forthwith 

First Invasion of Arjasp, and the Holy War.— The Dinkart 
states that the missing Vishtasp-sastd Nask of the Avesta con- 
tained an account of ‘the outpouring of Arjasp the Khyén, by 
the demon of Wrath, for war with Vishtasp and disturbance of 
Zaratisht; the arrangements and movements of King Vishtasp 
for that war, and whatever is on the same subject.’ This 
brief but clear outline makes us regret the more keenly the 
loss of so interesting a book of the Avesta. But doubtless con- 
siderable of the material has actually been preserved, as in 
other cases, in the Pahlavi and later Persian literature ; and this 
fact lends more weight to the statements of the Pahlavi Yat- 
kar-I Zariran and of the Shah Namah as being actually based 
on old foundations and therefore worthy of real consideration. 
This should be kept in mind in the following pages and in the 
descriptions which they present. 

The Yatkar-i Zariran and the Shah Namah both give vivid 
pictures, with imaginative coloring, of the marshalling of the 
forces and the numbers of the opposing hosts. As is common 
even in modern historical records, the estimates of the number 
of men actually under arms differ considerably. For Arjasp’s 

1Dk. 8. 11. 4, ‘the outpouring of 8 YZ. §§ 10-13 (Geiger, pp. 49-50) ; 
Arjisp the Khyoén, by the demon of ShN. Mohl, iv. 301-303. 
wrath, for war with Vishtasp and 4Dk, 8, 11.4, West, SBH. xxxvii. 
disturbance of Zaratisht.’ 24. 

2YZ. § 3 (Geiger, p. 48); ShN. 
Mohl, iv. pp. 800-317. 


army one section of the Yatkar gives the number as 131,000 
men.1 The Shah Namah is not so explicit, but puts the 
forces of the two wings of Arjasp’s host, and of the reserve, 
at 300,000, without including the main body of the army.? 
On the other side Vishtasp’s army is actually estimated by 
the Yatkar at 144,000 men,’ although it once speaks as if the 
number were innumerable;* whereas in the Shah Namah the 
strength is merely stated in a vague way as 1000 x 1000.5 

Arjasp’s Army and its Leaders. — The tradition upon which 
Firdausi, or rather Dakiki, based his poetic chronicle is consis- 
tent throughout with respect to making the city of Khallakh 
the place from which Arjasp set out upon his campaign. 
Again we miss the lost Vishtasp-sasto Nask of the Avesta 
alluded to above! The poet is even able to give the order in 
‘which Arjasp arranged his troops for the invading march. 
This differs considerably from the actual plan of marshalling 
his forces and commanders when in battle array; but even a 
poet would recognize the likelihood of changes and alterations 
according to the exigencies of the campaign and situation. 
On the march the troops were disposed of in the order given 
in the diagram on page 110.® 

The advance guard is entrusted to Khashish. The two 
wings are assigned respectively to Arjasp’s own brothers Kuh- 
ram and Andariman (cf. Av. Vandaremaini) with three hun- 
dred thousand picked men. The chief in command is given to 
Gurgsar, while the flag is entrusted to Bidrafsh. Arjasp him- 
self occupies the centre for safety and convenience; and Hiish- 
div brings up the rear. 

As already noted, the above line of march, however, differs 

1 YZ. § 46, but a few lines farther 2 ShN. Mohbl, iv. pp. 806, 319. 
on (§ 50) the number is mentioned as 3 YZ. § 49. 
12,000,000 (probably a mistake in a 4 YZ. § 16. 
figure). The prose Shah Namah Nasr 5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 308. 
mentions Arjasp’s conscription as ® See ShN. Mohl, iv. 306 (line of 
‘15,000 men’; cf. Hyde, Hist. Relig. march), opposed to iv. 319 (order of 
p. 825 (1 ed.). battle). 



(According to the Shah Namah) 1 

(with advance guard) 

r Bidrafsh Gurgsar 
(with banner) (chief in command) 
E q 
y fom) & 2 
eis| | 4 S| § 
= |g e S| 3 
5 ae <q ea} Me 


(with rear guard) 

1 See preceding note ; and, on the proper names, see Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
as follows: Xasas, p. 171; Gurgsar, p. 122; Bidrays (Widraf3), p. 868; Anda- 
riman (Wandaremainis), p. 347; Kuhram, p. 166; Huidiv (Hosdéw), p. 181; 
Arjasp, p. 21. 


from the arrangement of the forces in action on the field of 
battle. According to the picturesque account which is given 
in the Shah Namah, we can imagine Arjasp’s forces drawn up 
in battle array in the manner indicated below. From the 
descriptions of the engagement it is evident that in Oriental 
fights, as often elsewhere, single deeds of great daring by brill- 
iant leaders gain the day rather than combined efforts and the 
manceuvring of massed troops. We may conceive of the fort- 
unes of the battle as guided by Ormazd and by Ahriman. 
The description in the Shah Namah may indeed be poetic or 
journalistic, but it is worth reading, and the array of the 
enemy appeared as follows: 1— 

(According to the Shah Namah)? 
Bidrafsh Gurgsar 

100,000 Arjisp with Namkhvist 3 | 100,000 | 

Chosen troops 


| 100,000 

(with rear guard) 


Bidrafsh and Gurgsar are given charge of the two wings 
with 100,000 men each. Namkhvast with picked troops has 

1 See Mohl, iv. p. 319 (and contrast 122; Bidrafs (Widrass), p. 368; Na- 

with iv. p. 306). maxvast, p. 220; Kuhram, p. 166; 
2 See preceding note; and, for the  Arjasp, p. 21. 
proper names, compare Justi, Iran. 3 Cf. SAN. Mohl, iv. 313, 319. 

Namenbuch, as follows: Gurgsdar, p. 


the centre where Arjasp himself is stationed.1_ The reserve of 
100,000 men is disposed in such a way as to support all the 
divisions. This time Kuhram ? guards the rear, whereas Hishdiv 
had held that position on the invading march. Among Arjasp’s 
leaders only two are really known to fame in the conflict: these 
are Namkhvast and Bidrafsh.® 

'Vishtasp’s Army and its Leaders. — The strength of Vish- 
taspa’s forces has already been mentioned. The three prin- 
cipal heroes who win renown on the Iranian side are, first, 
Vishtasp’s intrepid brother, the valiant Zarir (Av. Zairivairi, 
YZ. Zarér, ShN. Zarir);* second, the latter’s son Bastvar (Av. 
Bastavairi, YZ. Bastvar, ShN. Nastir);® and third, Vishtaspa’s 
own glorious son Isfendiar (Av. Spento-data, YZ. ShN. Isfen- 
diar).6 In the Yatkar, mention is likewise made of another of 
Vishtaspa’s brothers, named Pat-khusrav,’ and also of a favor- 
ite son of Vishtasp whose name apparently is Frashokar¢ or 
Frashavart.2 The Shah Namah furthermore mentions Arda- 
shir, who is a son of Vishtaspa, Shérd or (according to Mohl) 

1ShN. Mohl, iv, 313, 319. In YZ. 
§ 50, Arjasp, like Vishtasp, has his 
place of observation upon a hill to 
direct the battle. 

2The name of Arjasp’s brother, 
Kuhram or Guhram, appears as G6- 
hormuz in Tabari; see Noldeke, Per- 
sische Studien, ii. 7, 8; Justi Iran. 
Namenbuch, p. 112. If Kuhram ac- 
cepted Shédasp’s challenge (ShN. 
Mohl, iv. pp. 321, 322), he must have 
come forward from the rear. 

3 YZ. §§ 29-80, and § 54 seq. ; SHN. 
Mohl, iv. 319, 828, 327. 

£Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 

5 Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 65. 

®Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 

7YZ. §§ 29, 37; he is apparently 
not named in the Avesta; cf. Geiger, 
Yatkar-. Zariran, p. 77. For his 

name, Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 582, 
suggested Av. Bujasravah, Yt. 13. 101, 
but this is doubtful. 

8 YZ. § 30 (text corrupt), 39, 44. 
Asthe MS. at § 30 is corrupt (cf. 
Geiger, p. 75), one might think of Av. 
Frashékara (Yt. 13. 102), which is the 
reading of all good Avestan MSS. (not 
Frasho-karata, as Geiger, YZ. p. 75); 
but West (personal communication) 
thinks they are all the same name. As 
Frash .. . falls in this battle, we must 
not (as does Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 
5838) confuse him with Farshidvard, 
of the Shah Namah, who does not fall 
now, but is slain in the second battle. 
Possibly it might be Av. Frash-him- 
vareta (Yt, 18. 102) if we set aside 
Darmesteter’s connection with Pers. 
Farshidvard. In any case Justi, ran. 
Namenbuch, p. 104 should be con- 


Ormazd,! Shédasp,? Garami, the son of Jamasp,? Névzar, son of 
Vishtasp,* Bashiitan (i.e. Peshdtanu), son of Vishtasp,® and a 
son of Isfendiar called Niish-Adar (i.e. Andsh-Adar) who is 
killed by Zavarah in the second war.® The valiant Isfendiar 
appears in all accounts of both wars. He is evidently com- 

(According to the Shah Namah)? 

(Shédasp) Isfendiar 
| Number not given = Zarir | 50,000 | 
| 50,000 | 
Main body 

Bastvar, i.e. Nastiir 
(in charge of rear) 

paratively young in the first war, and his renown as hero 
belongs rather to the second great action; but in both cam- 

1Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 676 f.; cf. Ndldeke, Pers. Stud. ii. p. 

297, Mohl, iv. 321. 7). 
2Son of Vishtasp, Mohl, iv. 311, 6 SBN. Mohl, iv. pp. 338, 349 ; Justi, 

318, 321; Justi, p. 294. Iran. Namenbuch, p. 17b, 387 (Uz- 
8 ShN. Mobil, iv. pp. 311, 312, 328, warak). 

and see next page. 7 See preceding note; and, on the 
4 ShN. Mohl, iv. pp. 312, 324, proper names, see Justi, Zran Namen- 

5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 332, Justi, Iran. buch, as follows: Zairivairi, p. 382; 
Namenbuch, p. 251. Mentioned also JIsfendiar, p. 308; Shédasp, p. 294; 
by Tabari in this connection (Tab.i.  Bastavairi, p. 65. 



paigns he is the same ideal hero, sans peur et sans reproche. 
Twenty-two other sons of the family of Vishtaspa are slain 
according to the Yatkar-i Zariran (§ 29), but this treatise does 
not seem to take account of the second holy war against 
Arjisp. The Shah Namah makes the number of Vishtasp’s 
sons that were slain to have been thirty-eight,! but this num- 
ber on the other hand seems to comprise both wars. On the 
field of battle Vishtasp’s troops, according to the Shah Namah, 
were drawn up as presented in the preceding table.2 We must 
regret once more that we have not the missing Vishtasp-sast6 
Nask which the Dinkart says described ‘the arrangement and 
movements of King Vishtasp for that war.’ 

Battles of the First War. — The location of the seat of war in 
the first great conflict is not wholly clear. The Shah Namah 
speaks of the Jihin or Oxus— see Map; the Yatkar-1 Zaririn 
seems to allude to Merv (also in the northeast) as the seat, but 
the text is not precise on the subject. The whole question is 
discussed below in Appendix IV., reference to which should be 

It is evident, in this first war, that there were two principal 
battles, separated by a slight interval; some of the apparent 
differences and discrepancies between the Yatkar and the Shah 
Namah are possibly to be accounted for in that way. As to the 
interval, the Shah Namah recognizes a lapse of two weeks 
(di haftah) between the first attack by Arjasp and the combat 
which resulted in Zarir’s death.? As to the action, the Yatkar-i 
Zariran naturally selects those situations and incidents which 
bring its hero Zarir into the foreground. Both accounts tell 
how, on the eve of battle, the sage Jamasp in prophetic vision 
foresees all the gains and all the losses on each side ; and he fore- 
tells to the king the joys and sorrows, the temporary defeat, but 
final, conclusive, and decisive victory of the following day.* 

1 Mohl, iv. 367, 376, 886, 445. £ YZ. §§ 28-30 ; SHN. iii. 1514-1521 ; 

2 See p. 113, and cf. Mohl, iv. 318. ef. Mohl, iv. 309-317. 

8ShN. iii, 1527, dia haftah ; cf. 
Mohl, iv. 326. 


Vishtasp beholds the fight from a neighboring elevation.! In the 
first action a number fall on the side of the Zoroastrian faith. 
Several of the names may be gathered; they are mostly sons 
of the king: Ardashir, Ormazd (or Shérd), Shédisp, Névzar, 
Pat-khusray, and Frashavart(?).2, Most of these are slain by 
the listful demon Namkhvast. Of all the descriptions, one of 
the most picturesque, perhaps, is the account of the chivalrous 
deed of Jamasp’s indomitable son Garami (YZ. Garamik-kart). 
In amoment of critical suspense he rescues the imperial banner 
by anact of heroism which is all-inspiring, and he saves the gon- 
falon, holding it between his teeth, and fights till he falls.? 

The second and decisive battle follows this first sharp engage- 
ment after a brief interval. In this action there is no question 
that the hero is Zarir (Zarér, Zairivairi). He does not fall in 
open attack, but by an act of stealth at the hand of the sorcerer 
Bidrafsh, whom he had challenged to mortal combat. Zarir’s 
unfortunate death is gloriously avenged by his young son 
Bastvar (Nastir) and by the valiant Isfendiir. In the words 
of the Yatkar-i Zariran, as the battle opens, ‘the dashing leader 
Zarir began the fight as fiercely as when the god of Fire bursts 
into a hay-rick and is impelled onward by a blast of the storm. 
Each time as he struck his sword down, he killed ten Khyons ; 
and, as he drew it back, he slew eleven. When hungry and 
thirsty he needed only to look upon the blood of the Khyéns and 
he became refreshed.’ But treachery, as before stated, undoes 
the noble knight; he falls, pierced through the heart by a 
poisoned spear hurled from behind by the magician Vidrafsh 
(Védrafsh, Bidrafsh) who is promised the fair hand of Arjasp’s 
daughter Zarshtan as a reward.® The hero fallen, Vishtasp 
now turns and offers his own lovely daughter Humak (Htmiai) 

1 YZ. § 49; ShN. Mohl, iv. 320. 8 YZ. § 79; SAN. iv. 323, 311-12; 
2Vist made up from ShN. iii. 1523 see also Geiger, Yathar, p. 79. 

seq. ; cf. Mohl, iv. 311, 821; and YZ. 4 YZ. § 51 (Geiger, pp. 59-60). 

§§ 29-80. Compare also Justi, Namen- 5 YZ. §§ 52-56 (after Geiger, pp. 

buch, p. 229 (Néwzar), and the refer- 60-61); cf. ShN. Mohl, iv. 827, 328. 
ences given above, p. 113. See also Néldeke, Pers. Stud. ii. 3. 


to whosoever will avenge Zarir’s death. The latter’s youthful 
son Bastvar (Nastir), a child in years but a giant in strength 
and courage, dashes forward and, accompanied by Isfendiar, 
slays the treacherous Vidrafsh, routs the Turanian hosts, hews 
them down as he drives them before him, and with Isfendiar’s 
aid sends Arjasp defeated, humbled, mutilated, back to his own 

The gallant Isfendiar now grants respite to the vanquished 
Turanians, which is in keeping with the nobility of his charac- 
ter, although his soldiers, as the poet describes, were inclined 
to butcher the entire army of refugees.2 The Shah Namah is 
able to give the numbers of those who fell in battle. Of Vish- 
tasp’s forces the number of the slain is estimated at 30,000 
including thirty-eight sons of the king. On Arjasp’s side the 
list of those who were killed is reckoned to be more than 
100,000. With the boldness of precision worthy of an epic 
writer who is giving details, the poet is able to add that 1163 
of this number were men of rank, beside 3200 wounded.® 
Terms of peace with religious stipulations are entered into and 
the first great victory of Zoroastrianism is achieved. 

The war over, Vishtasp marches back through his own coun- 
try of Iran to the city of Balkh, to celebrate the victory. In 
Persian fashion he is said to have given his daughter Humai to 
the intrepid IsfendiarS and he assigns to this young hero 
Bastvar (Nastiir) an army of 100,000 picked soldiers, bidding 
him to advance toward Arjasp’s capital, Khallakh, in order to 
complete the conquest. One other son, Farshidvard,’ is made 
suzerain over Khorassan, the territory which afterwards becomes 
famous as a seat of the second holy war against Arjasp. Vish- 
tasp himself next founds a new fire-temple and makes Jamasp 

1YZ. § 67; ShN. Mohl, iv. 330, (p. 114) which explains this number 

341. as referring to both the wars. 
2 YZ. §§ 58-85 (Geiger, pp. 62-69) ; 5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 341. 

ShN. Moh], 335-841. 6 YZ. § 57 seq. implies Bastvar ; 
8 SHN. Mohl, iv. 339. see above, p. 72, n. 1. 

4 But see the statement given above 7 ShN. Mohl, iv. 345. 


high priest over it. His final and most important act for the 
Religion is to depute the dauntless Isfendiar upon a hallowed 
mission, a great crusade to foreign lands, enjoining upon him 
to convert all peoples and nations to the Faith of Zardusht. 
When this is accomplished he promises to recompense the valiant 
crusader and dutiful son by awarding him the crown and throne 
of Iran. 

Isfendiar as Crusader, and the Following Events. — Tradition 
tells how fortune favors the gallant knight. So successful is 
his pious zeal, according to the Shah Namah, that the countries 
even of ‘Rim and Hindistan’ are among those who despatched 
messengers to Vishtasp, requesting to have ‘the Zend-Avesta 
of Zardusht’ sent to them. Vishtasp eagerly complies with the 
request and sends a copy of the bible to every land. An 
allusion to the Dinkart of crusading efforts in the direction of 
‘Arum and the Hindis’ in connection with the name of Spend- 
dat (Isfendiar) has already been noticed above. 

There must have been a considerable lapse of time for all 
this to transpire, and a number of the events narrated in the 
chapters on conversions and the spread of the Religion perhaps 
belong here.2 The interval of peace at home was doubtless 
used to advantage; and possibly about this time the Avesta 
was written down by Jamasp from the teachings of Zoroaster 
as referred to in the Dinkart.? All goes well. Each effort of 
Isfendiar is divinely crowned, and at last he feels himself 
entitled by his successes to turn to his father with the expecta- 
tion of receiving the crown according to the royal promise. 
But he receives it not. A mischievous brother, Kurazm 
(Av. Kavarazem, Yt. 18. 103)* with lying lips calumniates the 
valiant hero to his father. Isfendiar is rewarded by being 

1 ShN. Mohl, iv. 344-345. Cf. pp. 76, 97. West places this event 

2The Shah Namah implies an in- about z.c. 591. See SBH. xlvii. In- 
terval of ‘some time’; see ShN. iii. trod. §55, and Appendix III. below. 
1543, Vullers-Landauer = Moh, iv. 345, 4ShN. Mohl, iv. 346; Justi, Zran. 

‘quelque temps.’ Namenbuch, p. 159; Darmesteter, 
8 Dk. 4.21;5.3.4357.5.11;3.7.1. Etudes Iran. ii. 280. 


thrown into chains and imprisoned upon a mountain in the 
fortress citadel of Gumbadan in Khorassin or Mount Spents- 
data of the Avesta and Bindahishn as described below in 
Appendix IV. The Shah Namah goes on to tell how King 
Vishtasp (Gushtasp) leaves Balkh shortly after this incident 
and goes for ‘two years’ to Seistan and Zabilistan to visit 

It is at this point in the Shah Namah that the narrative of 
Firdausi’s predecessor Dakiki is stated to end, and the story is 
taken up by Firdausi himself. This fact may account for 
certain differences of view and manner of treatment which are 

Arjasp’s Second Invasion; the Last Holy War.— The 
chronicle of the Shah Namah, as poetic history, seems to allow 
some years to elapse between the invasions of Arjasp as already 
mentioned, and the traditional Zoroastrian chronology bears 
out this fact if we combine the dates which may be gathered? 
The state of affairs in Iran begins to assume a different aspect. 
The Turanian Arjasp, taking advantage of Isfendiar’s im- 
prisoment, reunites his forces and prepares to strike a blow of 
retaliation upon his former conqueror. y Once more he invades 
Iran and the second war begins. The tradition which Firdausi 
follows is claimed by him to be ancient. It is curious, how- 
ever, in some of its details, and it presents an odd picture of 
the management of a kingdom. Vishtasp’s absence from his 
capital seems to have left Balkh weakened or unprotected. 
Arjasp successfully storms the city ; the aged Lohrasp falls in 
the fight before the city walls;% the temple of Nish-Adar is 
sacked and destroyed ; the priests are slain in the very act of 
their pious worship; the sacred fire is quenched by their 

1 On the Dakiki portion of the Shah to have occurred during the Turanian 
Namah, cf. p.5,n.2,andsee Néldekein invasion, as discussed in the next 
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 148-150. chapter. 

2 The date of Zoroaster’s death is 3 Shih Namah, Vullers-Landauer, 
set at B.c. 583, and this is supposed iii. 1560; Mobl, iv. 364, 558. 


hallowed blood; and, worst of all, the Prophet Zardusht falls 
a martyr at the hands of the murderous and fanatical invaders 
of Turan, as he stands in the presence of the altar’s holy 
flame which the Faith so devoutly cherished. The details of 
these particular circumstances are given more fully in the next 
chapter, together with some additional traditions regarding 
Zoroaster’s death. This sad event serves to place the date of 
the second war at about B.c. 583 on the basis of the Biinda- 
hishn chronology. i 

Events now follow in rapid succession. Vishtasp learns in 
Seistan of the death of Lohrasp and of the martyrdom of 
Zoroaster. He hastens to join forces with his son, Farshid- 
vard of Khorassin. The Shah Namah states that Vishtasp 
took the route towards Balkh, but from its description and 
from a Pahlavi allusion to the ‘White Forest,’ as discussed 
hereafter, it appears that Vishtasp joined Farshidvard in Kho- 
rassan, of which the latter was suzerain. We may recall here 
that Firdausi himself was a native of Khorassin and he must 
have been familiar with the tradition. The question of the 
scene of this opening battle is entered into more fully below in 
Appendix IV. So it need not be discussed here. We need 
only follow Firdausi’s brief description of the drawing up of 
the opposing lines, and if we glance at Khorassin on the Map 
we shall have an idea, at least traditionally, of the battlefields 
on which the final victory of Zoroastrianism was won. 

Alas! the valiant Isfendiar is no longer in command of the 
host that is fighting for the Avesta and the Faith of Iran. The 
princely Farshidvard receives a wound that shortly proves 
fatal. Vishtasp is routed, and he finds refuge only in the 
region of Nishapir or of the Jagatai chain, as discussed in 
detail below, Appendix 1V. The Iranians are beleagured on 
a lonely height; the Faith of Zoroaster seems about to totter 
and fall before the hated Arjasp and Turan. But Isfendiar is 

1 See note above, and compare West, SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appen- 
dix III. below, 


once more the saviour of the hour. In the dire emergency 
it is universally felt that the captive prince, chained within the 
fortress which even in the Avesta has given his name to the 

(According to the Shah Namah)! 

Tran Touran 
fa oN. a 
g 3 8 
4. 93 eo] 
ae: 8 
me re 




mountain, can save the State from its impending overthrow. 
According to the Chronicle, Jamasp secretly visits Isfendiar, 

1ShN. Mohl, iv. 365, 866, 387. On the name above, p. 112, n. 8); Bastvar, 
the special proper names, see Justi, Justi, p. 65. 
Tran. Namenbuch under Frasham- 2 ShN. Mohl, iv. 366, 387. 
varata, p. 104 (but recall discussion of 


and finally induces him to forget his cruel wrongs and to 
preserve his country from the certain ruin that hangs over it. 
Freed from the galling shackles, he hastens to the rescue and 
leads the hosts of Zoroastrianism once more to victory. Under 
the inspiration of his command a final battle is begun. 
Isfendiar receives full power and sway. The only change in 
the organization of Vishtisp’s forces, as noted in the Shah 
Namah, is that Gurdoé (Kerdii) succeeds to the place of 
Farshidvard, who had died from the fatal wound received in 
the preceding fight, and Bastvar (Nastiir) consequently occu- 
pies the right wing.! Arjasp’s troops are marshalled in a 
manner differing but slightly from that before adopted. The 
disposition of the armies, as given by Firdausi, is shown in 
the diagram on page 122. 

Isfendiar wins a complete and signal victory. Arjasp flees 
back to Turan. But no quarter this time is granted. His 
country is mercilessly invaded by the invincible Isfendiar, his 
capital stormed and taken, and he himself is finally slain. 
The Dinkart likewise in one passage seems to contain an echo 
of the note of exultation over this event.2 Victory rests every- 
where upon the banners of Iran and upon the triumphant stan- 
dards of Zoroaster’s Faith. 

Thus closed the second invasion of the great Holy War, 
which really served to establish the future of Zoroastrianism, 
for the Faith gained strength from the shock it withstood and 
the power it overcame. According to tradition, victory led 
to other attempts at universal conversion, but not all were 
unqualifiedly successful. The gallant Isfendiar, so zealous ever 
for the cause, is himself ultimately slain in single combat with 
Rustam, whom he sought to convert to the creed in accordance 
with King Vishtasp’s urgent desire and his own unflagging 
readiness for crusading. The story which Firdausi tells of 

1On Gurddé (Kerdiii), see ShN. 2See Dk. 7. 4. 88-90, in West’s 

Mohl, iv. 884; Justi, Iran. Namen- translation, SBZ. xlvii. 72-78. 
buch, pp. 122, 161. 


the details of Isfendiar’s death may be apocryphal, but it con- 
tains some reminiscence of the missionary labors that are 
known to have been expended in the land of Seistan. 

(According to the Shah Namah)? 

3B 5 
oo s 
oH a 
Bg =| 
oS ie] 
e 6 ig 
ma e 
= 3 a] 
ok Py 
ae) 5 
Es 4H 
2 - 
ae FI 

The Sacred Wars summarized.—Such is the story of the 
period of holy warfare against Areiat-aspa (Arjasp) in behalf 

1§$hN. Mohl, iv. 884. For the proper names, see references above. 


of Zoroaster’s Faith, at least so far as we can gather history 
from sources which are chiefly chronicles. In the Avesta and 
in the Pahlavi writings Arejat-aspa is a Hyaonian (Av. H'ya- 
ona, Phl. Khyon); in the Shah Namah and elsewhere he is 
understood to be a Turanian. Both designations apparently 
amount ultimately to the same thing. Furthermore, according 
to tradition, there were two separate wars or invasions by 
Arjasp, although the earliest accounts do not make this point 
wholly clear. If we accept the Zoroastrian chronology based 
upon the Pahlavi Bundahishn, the defeat of Arjasp in the first 
war must have occurred about B.c. 601. The principal battle 
of this war was the fight in which King Vishtasp’s brother 
Zarir was slain. A considerable interval, nearly twenty years, 
is believed to have elapsed before Arjasp began his second 
invasion. The date of this event is placed by the tradition as 
about B.c. 583, the year being given by the death of Zoroaster 
which seems to have occurred at this time. The amphitheatre 
in which the final engagements in this war took place appears 
to be Khorassin. Isfendiar, the great crusader, wins the final 
victory that establishes the Faith of Iran on a firm foundation, 
even though Zoroaster is no longer living to enjoy the fruits 
of triumph. 



‘Shall the priest and the prophet be slain in the sanctuary of the Lord?’ 
— Lamentations 2. 20. 


Introduction. — Those who have read Marion Crawford’s 
novel ‘Zoroaster’ may perhaps recall the graphic scene describ- 
ing the death of the Prophet of ancient Iran, with which the 
romance closes. Whatever may have been the novelist’s 
source of information—if he had any source beyond his own 
vivid imagination —his picture is so well drawn that it seems 
real, and it may possibly not be so far, after all, from the truth. 
There is no authority, however, for believing that Zoroaster’s 
death took place at Stakhar (Persepolis); but there is ground 
for believing that he may possibly have been slain while at 
worship in the sanctuary. Traditions on the subject differ; but 
itis the purpose of this chapter briefly to bring together the 
material that is accessible on the question of Zoroaster’s death. 

Greek and Latin Accounts of Zoroaster’s Death. — From 
the fate of Empedocles we are not surprised to find a miracu- 
lous departure attributed to a great sage; and the Greek and 
Latin patristic writers give a fabulous account of the passing 
of Zoroaster. His is no ordinary end; he perishes by lightning 
or a flame from heaven, which recalls the descent of the fiery 
chariot and the whirlwind in the apotheosis of Elijah. For 



such a description our principal source is the Pseudo-Clemen- 
tine Recognitiones and the spurious Clementine Homilies, whose 
statements are followed by later writers. All these passages 
are given in Appendix V., so they are simply summarized here.1 

(a) A passage in the Clementinae Recognitiones (dating 
about A.D. second century, and existing in the Latin trans- 
lation of Rufinus),? identifies Zoroaster with Ham or Mesraim 
of the family of Noah, and anathematizes him as a magician 
and astrologer. To deceive the people, it is said, he was wont 
to conjure the stars until finally the guardian spirit or presid- 
ing genius of a certain star became angry at his control and 
emitted a stream of fire in vengeance and slew the arch- 
magician. But the misguided Persians deified the ashes of his 
body consumed by the flame, and they gave adoration to the 
star which had thus charioted him into the presence of God. 
Hence after his death he received the name Zoroaster, that is, 
‘living star,—an interpretation by those who understood the 
Greek form of his name to have this meaning! ® 

(b) The statement in the spurious Clementine Homilies * dif- 
fers but slightly. Zoroaster is identified with Nimrod, who, 
in the pride of his heart, seeks for universal power from the 
star, whereat the lightning falls from heaven and Nimrod is 
destroyed, and he accordingly receives the surname Zoroaster 
for the ‘stream of the star’: Zopodaotpys petwovondabn, dia 
To THY TOU aoTépos Kat’ avTov Cdaav évenOfvas ponv. But 
the Persians, it is added, built a temple over the remains of 
his body and cherished the sacred flame that came from the 

1The best material on this subject, 
from the classical side, is to be found 
in Windischmann, Zoroastrische Stu- 
dien, pp. 306-809 (accessible now in 
translation, Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zar- 
athushtra in the Gathds, pp. 181-135). 

2Clem. Roman. Recogn. 4. 27-29 
(tom. i. col. 1826 seq. ed. Migne). See 
Appendix V., § 12. 

8 For the text, cf. Appendix V., 
§ 12. 

4 Clem. Homilies, 9. 4 seq. (tom. ii. 
col. 244, ed, Migne) ; see Appendix V., 
§ 12, and cf. Windischmann, Zor. 
Stud. pp. 8306-307 = Darab D. P. San- 
jana, Zarathushtra in the Gathas, p. 
133, and Rapp, ZDMG. xix. p. 34. 


coals of the heaven-sent bolt; and so long as they did this 
they had sovereignty. Then the Babylonians stole away the 
embers and thereby gained empire over the world.! 

(c) Gregory of Tours (A.D. 538-593)? repeats the identi- 
fication of Zoroaster with Ham (Cham, or Chus) and records 
the etymology of his name as ‘living star,’ stating that the 
Persians worshipped him as a god because he was consumed 
by fire from heaven. See Appendix V., § 37. 

(d) The Chronicon Paschale or Chronicon Alexandrinum 
(last date A.D. 629)3 makes Zoroaster foretell his fiery death, 
and bid the Persians to preserve the ashes of his charred bones. 
As he is praying to Orion, he is slain by the descent of a heay- 
enly shaft, and the Persians carefully keep his ashes down to 
the present time. See text in Appendix V., § 39. 

The same story is found in almost the same words, or with 
no material addition (see Appendix V., § 89) in the works of 

(e) Johan. Malalas (A.D. sixth century) col. 84, ed. Migne; 
p. 18 ed. Bonnenn. 

(f) Suidas (A.D. tenth century), s.v. Zwpodatpys,’ Aotpovdpos, 
briefly records the death by fire from heaven. 

(g) Georgius Cedrenus (c. A.D. 1100), tells the same in his 
Historiarum Compendium (col. 57, ed. Migne; p. 29 seq. ed. 
Bonnenn.), and adds, Ta Aeipava adrod Sid Tyuns etyov ot TWépaar 
&os Totrov Katappovycavtes Kat THs Bactreias é&érrecov. 

(h) Michael Glycas (flor. c. A.D. 1150), Ann. Pars IT. (col. 
253, ed. Migne; p. 244 ed. Bonnenn.), simply repeats the 
Clementine statement. See Appendix V., § 47. 

(i) Georgius Hamartolus (d. about A.D. 1468) merely reiter- 
ates the same in his Chronology (col. 56, ed. Migne). 

All these latter quotations go back to the Clementine source. 

1 For the full text, see Appendix V., Migne; or i. p. 67, ed. Bonnenn. ; cf. 

§ 12. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 308 note 
2 Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (col. 164 seq. = Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra 
ed. Migne). in the Gathdas, p. 185. 

3 Chron. Pasch. col. 148 seq. ed. 


They all look upon Zoroaster as an astrologer who perished by 
a shaft from heaven, and they usually interpret this as a mark 
of divine displeasure. 

It might be added, simply by way of greater completeness, 
that Orosius (A.D. fifth century) Hist. i. 4 (col. 700, ed. 
Migne) follows the current later classical story about Ninus 
and Zoroaster, and adds that Ninus conquered and killed him 
in battle, which perhaps is an echo of the war against Arjasp.! 

The Iranian Tradition of Zoroaster’s Death. — Passing from 
the realm of fanciful legend to the more solid ground of tradi- 
tion we have a very persistent statement in the later Zoro- 
astrian sacred writings regarding the death of the Prophet, 
even if, for reasons to be easily understood, that event is not 
mentioned in the Avesta itself.2 This tradition with absolute 
uniformity makes his death to have occurred at the age of sev- 
enty-seven years, and ascribes it to a Turanian, one Bratrok- 
résh.2 Whether this occurred at the storming of Balkh or 
under other circumstances, will be discussed below. For the 
latest accessible material on the subject we may refer especially 
to West, SBE. xlvii. According to the Pahlavi selections of 
Zat-sparam, Zoroaster passed away at the age of seventy-seven 
years and forty days in the 47th-48th year of the religion, or 
B.C. 583, of the Iranian chronology.4 The month and the day 
are specifically named, as will be recorded below. The state- 
ment of his age being seventy-seven years is repeated else- 
where,® and the name of his murderer occurs a number of 
times as the following passages will show. 

(a) The Selections of Zat-sparam, 23. 9 (West, SBE. xlvii. 
165) contain the following entry: ‘In the forty-seventh year 

1¥or the text, see Appendix V., 4See West’s calculations given in 
§ 27. Appendix III., p. 181, and consult the 
2 See also Geldner, ‘Zoroaster’ in next paragraph. 
Encyclopedia Britannica, xxiv. 821, 5 .g. Masiidi, as given in Appendix 
col. a. IL, p. 163. 

3 Cf. also Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
p. 71. 


(of the Religion) Zaratiisht passes away, who attains seventy- 
seven years and forty days, in the month Artavahishtd, on the 
day Khir; and for eight rectified months, till the month 
Dadvé and day Khir, he should be brought forward as to be 
reverenced.’ The day of his death, according to tradition, is 
the day Khir in the month Artavahishté, on the eleventh day 
of the second month of the Zoroastrian year,1 

(b) In Dinkart, 7. 5. 1 (West, SBH. xlvii. 73) we read, 
‘ About the marvellousness which is manifested from the accept- 
ance of the Religion by Vishtasp onwards till the departure 
(vixéz6) of Zaratisht, whose guardian spirit is reverenced, to 
the best existence, when seventy-seven years had elapsed on- 
wards from his birth, forty-seven onwards from his conference, 
and thirty-five years onwards from the acceptance of the 
Religion by Vishtasp.’ 

(c) Dinkart, 7. 6. 1 (West, SBH. xlvii. TT) speaks, among 
other miracles, ‘ About the marvellousness which is manifested 
after the departure (vizé2d) of Zaratisht, whose guardian 
spirit is reverenced, to the best existence G.e. Heaven), and 
manifested also in the lifetime of Vishtasp.’ 

(d) Datistan-i Dinik, 72. 8 (West, SBH. xviii. 218) states 
that among the most heinous sinners, ‘one was Tur-i Bratar- 
vakhsh, the Karap and heterodox wizard, by whom the best 
of men [i.e. Zaratiisht] was put to death.’ If this be the same 
Karap that plotted against Zoroaster as a youth, it would 
imply an extraordinary longevity (p. 28, n. 4). 

(e) Dinkart 5. 3. 2 (West, SBH. xlvii. 126) mentions 
among the events in the history of the Religion, ‘the killing of 
Zaratisht himself by Bratré-résh.’ See also the note by Darab 
D. P. Sanjana in Geiger’s astern Iranians, ii. p. 216. Compare 
likewise Dinkart translated by Peshotan Dastur Behramjee 

10Or May 1, B.c. 583, if I reckon the Parsis, i. 149, 150; ii. 154. On 
correctly. Onthe Zoroastrian months, the year, see West’s calculations in 
see Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 33-36, and SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, given below 
Dosabhai Framji Karaka, History of in Appendix III. 


Sanjana, vol. vii. p. 485: ‘Among wicked priests the most 
wicked was Tur-e-Baratrut (i.e. Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh) of evil 
nature and desirous of destroying Zarthusht’s faith.’ 

(f) The Great Iranian Bindahishn in a passage cited and 
translated by Darmesteter (Le ZA. ii. 19, cf. also iii. Introd. 
lxxix.) describes the demon and wizard Malkés, who shall 
appear at the end of a thousand years to bring distress upon 
the earth, as a manifestation of ruin springing ‘from the race 
of Tir-i Bratrok-résh who brought about Zaratisht’s death.’ 1! 

(g) The Persian prose treatise Sad-dar, 9. 5 (West, SBE. 
xxiv. 267) includes among the list of sinners who are on a par 
with Ahriman, the same ‘Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh who slew Zara- 
tusht.’ The metrical Sad-dar repeats it also (Hyde, Historia 
Religionis, p. 441). 

(h) The Pahlavi Bahman Yasht, 2. 3 (West, SBH. v. 195) 
alludes to the same tradition, for when Zaratisht in a vision 
asks immortality of God, Atharmazd declines it, responding 
thus: ‘When Ge. if) I shall make thee immortal, O Zara- 
tiisht the Spitaman! then Tur-i Bratar-vakhsh the Karap will 
become immortal, and when Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh the Karap 
shall become immortal, the resurrection and future existence are 
not possible.’ 

The Pahlavi-Parsi tradition is therefore unanimous that 
Zoroaster perished by the hand of Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh or 
Bratrok-résh, but it gives no specific details. Firdausi must be 
following an Iranian tradition in keeping with this when he 
assigns this event to the time of the Turanian invasion of Iran, 
and ascribes Zoroaster’s death to the storming of Balkh and the 
destruction of the temple Nish-Adar. Other Persian writers 
seem to accept the same tradition. The extracts are given. 

(i) Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 1559 graphically 
describes the final scene. I give a version of it, following Mohl 
iv. 363 and Vullers, Fragmente, 103: ‘The army (of Turan) there- 

1 Malkos séj-cihart min toxmak-t Tur-t Bratrok-rés, 7 03-4 Zaratust yahvint ; 
see Darmesteter. 



upon entered Balkh, and the world became darkened with 
rapine and murder. They advanced toward the Temple of Fire 
(ataxkadah) and to the palace and glorious hall of gold. They 
burned the Zend-Avesta entire and they set fire to the edifice 
and palace alike. There (in the sanctuary) were eighty priests 
whose tongues ceased not to repeat the name of God; all these 
they slew in the very presence of the Fire and put an end to 
their life of devotion. By the blood of these was extinguished 
the Fire of Zardusht. Who slew this priest I do not know.’! 
The story is told over again, a few lines farther on, where the 
messenger bears to the absent Vishtasp the awful news of the 
sacking of the city, the death of Lohrasp, ‘the king of kings,’ 
and the slaying of the Sage or Master (rad), by which none 
other than Zardusht is meant. The lines run (cf. Vullers- 
Landauer, iti. 1560, and Mohl, trad. iv. 8364): ‘They have slain 
Lohrasp, the king of kings, before the city of Balkh; and our 
days are darkened and full of trouble. For (the Turks) have 
entered the temple Niish-Adar and they have crushed the head 
of the Master (Zardusht) and of all the priests; and the brill- 
iant Fire has been extinguished by their blood.’ 

(j) The prose chronicle Shah Namah Nasr, which Hyde 
terms an abstract of Firdausi made by some Magian,? states 
similarly with reference to this event: ‘They say that when 
Arjasp’s army invaded Iran, Lohrasp left the place of divine 
worship as soon as he learned of this, and took to the field of 
battle. He killed a great many, but he himself was slain, 
together with eighty priests (who were in the temple at Balkh 
Bami). The fire was quenched by their blood; and among the 
number of the eighty priests was Zardusht the prophet, who 
also perished in this war.’$ 

(k) The later Persian work Dabistan (beginning of 17th 

1§See variant in Vullers-Landauer, 2 Hyde, Historia Religionis Vet. 
iil, 1559,and the translation by Vullers, Pers. pp. 319-825 (1 ed.). 
Fragmente, p. 108, and by Mohl, iv. 3 After the Latin translation of 

363. Hyde, op. cit. p. 325, 


century A.D.), claims that its statement is based upon ancient 
Tranian authority and gives a picturesque description of the 
manner in which the martyred Zoroaster avenged himself upon 
his slayer Turbaraturhash G.e. Tur-i Bratar-vakhsh) by hurling 
his rosary at his murderer and destroying him. Or as the 
passage reads: ‘It is recorded in the books composed by Zar- 
dusht’s followers, and also in the ancient histories of Iran, that 
at the period of Arjasp’s second! invasion, King Gushtasp was 
partaking of the hospitality of Zal, in Seistan, and Isfendiar 
was a prisoner in Dazh Gumbadan; and that Lohrasp, notwith- 
standing the religious austerities he performed through divine 
favor, laid aside the robes of mortality in battle, after which 
the Turks took the city. A Turk named Turbaratur, or 
Turbaraturhash,? having entered Zardusht’s oratory, the prophet 
received martyrdom by his sword. Zardusht, however, having 
thrown at him the rosary (Shumar Afin or Yad Afréz) which 
he held in his hand, there proceeded from it such an effulgent 
splendor that its fire fell on Turbaratur and consumed him.’® 

(1) Two other late Persian passages imply that Zoroaster’s 
end was violent. Both of these are noticed by Hyde, from 
whom they are adopted here. The first is from the Persian 
historian Majdi (A.D. sixteenth century), who, after mention- 
ing the dreadful invasion of Arjasp and the death of the priests 
in the temple of Balkh, goes on to say: ‘He quenched the fire 
of Zardusht with the blood of the Magi; and some one from 
Shiraz then slew Zardusht himself.’® 

(m) The second of these two passages is an allusion found 
in the Farhang-i Jahangiri, which apparently refers to the day 
of Zoroaster’s death as well as to the day on which he first 
undertcok his mission to Vishtasp, for the dates resemble those 

1 Notice the word ‘second’ in con- 4Hyde, Historia Religionis Vet. 
nection with the preceding chapter. Pers. pp. 319, 825. On Majdi, cf. Ethé 
21.e. Tar-i Bratar-vakhsh. in Grundriss d. iran. Phitol. ii. 332. 

3 Dabistan tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 5 Hyde, op. cit. p. 8319; de Harlez, 

371-372. Avesta tr. p. xxv. note 7. 


in Pahlavi sources as already described. The sentence reads: 
‘On the thirtieth day, Aniran, he entered Iran (or Persia), and 
on the fifteenth day, Deybamihr, he departed in sorrow from 
Iran.’ Hyde, p. 325, seems rightly to have interpreted the 
allusion thus, and he should be consulted in connection with 
pp. 40, 128, above. 

Conclusion. — The accounts of Zoroaster’s death by light- 
ning or a flame from heaven, as found in Greek and Latin 
patristic literature, seem to be legendary. According to Iran- 
ian tradition his death was violent, and it occurred at the hand 
of a Turanian whose name is preserved to ill-renown. 
Whether his martyrdom took place in the temple when Balkh 
was stormed, as later Iranian writers all state, cannot posi- 
tively be asserted, although such may have been the case. 



‘Still did the mighty flame burn on, 
Through chance and change, through good and ill, 
Like its own God’s eternal will 
Deep, constant, bright, unquenchable!’ 
— Moore's Lalla Rookh. 

Inrropuctrory Statements; Tue Course or Events—Tue First Tren 
YEARS AFTER Zoroaster’s Deara — EvipENCE oF FurtHER SPREAD OF 
THE ReLIGION— Deatu oF THE First Apostites — Later D1IscIPLES AND 
Successors — Propuecies anp Future Events —SuMMARY 

Introductory Statements; the Course of Events. — With the 
great Prophet dead, with the holy flame of the sacred shrine 
quenched in the blood of the martyred priests, we might have 
supposed for a moment that the Religion must perish too. 
Happily, as we have seen, this was destined not to be the case. 
Fate, circumstances, and merit issued other decrees. We have 
watched the spark of the altar flame kindling anew; the story 
of the glorious victories won in hallowed battles for Ormazd 
has been told; the banner of the Creed waves once more aloft. 
Little more remains to be chronicled beyond briefly tracing 
the course which events took in the years that followed Zoro- 
aster’s death. In other words, we are presently to enter the 
realm where actual history goes hand in hand with tradition. 

Tradition according to the Bahman Yasht asserts that 
‘Artashir the Kayan, whom they call Vohiman son of Spend- 
dat,’ and whom we know as Ardashir Dirazdast, or the ‘long- 
handed,’ is the one who ‘made the Religion current in the 



whole world.’! Actual history agrees with this in so far as it 
shows that Artaxerxes Longimanus, or the ‘long-handed,’ was 
an ardent Zoroastrian ruler.2. From the pages of history, fur- 
thermore, we learn that by the time of the last Achaemenians, 
at least, Zoroastrianism is practically acknowledged to have 
become the national religion of Iran. History, alas, has also 
to chronicle in its memorial chapters the cruel blow which 
Alexander dealt to the whole Persian empire upon his trium- 
phal march of world-conquest. Tradition again is in harmony 
in recording how the ‘evil-destined’ or ‘accursed Iskander’ 
brought ruin everywhere by his sword, and how he burned the 
sacred books of the Avesta, the archetype of the bible of Zoro- 
aster, with the treasury of the ancient Persian kings. This 
last tragic event stands out as the darkest day in the history of 
Zoroastrianism until its final overthrow by Islam, when the 
Koran superseded the Avesta and Ormazd gave place to 

But the two centuries or more between the death of Zoro- 
aster and the coming of Alexander are filled by various reli- 
gious events which the patristic literature of Sassanian times 
carefully records and which it is proper here to notice in con- 
nection with the history of Zoroaster’s life. It certainly 
seems curious that we have no mention of Cyrus nor of the 
pious Mazda-worshipper Darius, unless we are to understand 
that the events of their reigns are merged in a general way 
into the achievements of Isfendiar. This is one of the prob- 
lems which belong rather to the history of the Religion to dis- 
cuss. For the years themselves that follow Zoroaster’s death, 
the Pahlavi texts give enough general events or incidents to 
mark off the periods or epochs in a loose sort of way. The 
first few years at least are certainly worth recording on the 
lines of the tradition, and a glance should be taken at the 

1 Byt. 2.17, West, SBE. v. 198-199. 
2 Yet see Justi’s remark in Iran. Namenbuch p. 84, Artaxsaora 8. 


chronological table in Appendix III., which gives some idea of 
the current of events. 

The First Ten Years after Zoroaster’s Death. — From tradi- 
tion we know that King Vishtaspa outlived Zoroaster, and it 
is interesting to see from the assertions of tradition how the 
miraculous events which attended the Prophet’s life do not 
cease with his death, but wonders and prodigies still continue 
to be witnessed during the reign of the patron king. The 
influence of the veil and glamour of the heavenly personage is 
not yet removed. The first decade after Zoroaster’s death was 
certainly eventful for Vishtasp, and we have a fanciful story 
told in Pahlavi of a wonder that came to pass and a sign that 
was manifested, which illustrates that the divine favor has 
descended upon the king and which symbolizes the progress of 
the Religion under the guise of a chariot in its onward course. 

The Dinkart narrates how the soul of the old warrior Srito, 
who had been dead several hundred years, appears again, visits 
the zealous monarch, and presents to him a wonderful chariot. 
The chariot instantly becomes twofold in form, the one being 
spiritual, the other material! And, as the Dinkart passage 
continues, ‘in the worldly chariot the exalted Kai Vishtasp 
travelled forth unto the village of the Notars, in the joyfulness 
of good thoughts; and in the spiritual chariot the soul of Srito 
of the Visraps travelled forth unto the best existence (.e. 
returned again to heaven).’? This allegory of the chariot 
appears to smack somewhat of Buddhism and the Wheel of the 
Law; and we may also recall a classical tradition which 
implies Vishtasp’s acquaintance with the secret lore of the 
Brahmans, ‘and the legendary wisdom and prophetic vision 
which was ascribed to Vishtaspa down to medieval times.? 

Evidence of Further Spread of the Religion. — The Dinkart 
text declares that ‘ Vishtasp the king, when he became relieved 

1Dk. %. 6. 1-11. 8See Kuhn, Fine zoroastrische 
2Dk. 7. 6.11, West, SBE. xlvii. 80.  Prophezeiung, in Festgruss an R. von 
Shall we compare épyain Appendix V., oth, Stuttgart, 1898, p. 217 seq. 
§ 7? 


from the war with Arjasp, sent to the chief rulers about the 
acceptance of the religion, and the writings of the Mazda-wor- 
shipping religion, which are studded with all knowledge.’ 
The text then goes on to affirm the rapid spread which the 
Faith saw by the end of the few years. The seed of the Reli- 
gion was the blood of its martyrs slain. And so rapid does 
the progress seem to have been that the text claims as one of 
the marvels of history, the fact that at the end of fifty-seven 
years from the first revelation of the Religion, its advent is 
‘ published in the seven regions’ of the world, as was described 
in the lost Spend Nask of the Avesta.1 All this is supposed 
to have occurred while Vishtasp still lives. As a proof, more- 
over, of the general acceptance of the Creed, the same passage 
adduces the fact of ‘the coming of some from other regions to 
Frashéshtar of the Hvobas for enquiry about the religion.’ ? 
Two of the high priests who came on this holy quest from 
abroad are from the southeastern and the southwestern regions. 
Their names are given as Spiti and Erezraspa— names which 
are found in the Avesta And, similarly, the Apostles went 
into many lands to preach the Gospel after the death of Christ. 

Death of the First Apostles. — Frashaoshtra, Zoroaster’s 
devoted friend, follower, and relative by marriage, lives for 
a number of years to exemplify the tenets and expound the 
doctrines of the Master who has ‘ passed away.’ He himself is 
summoned, as the Zat-sparam selections tell us,* some fifteen 
years after Zaratusht, ‘in the month Artavahishto, in the 
sixty-third year of the Religion.’® His distinguished brother 
Jamasp, the wise Jamaspa, grand vizir of the king, and succes- 
sor of Zoroaster in the pontifical office of the realm, outlives 
Frashaoshtra but a year; or, as the selections of Zat-sparam 

1Dk. 7. 6. 12; cf. Dk. 8. 14. 10, West’s note on Dk. 9. 21. 24, and Dk. 

West, SBE. xlvii. 80; xxxvii. 33. 4, 22, in SBE. xxxvii. 218, 418. 
2Dk. 7. 6. 12. Recall also what 4 Zsp. 28. 10. 
has already been said in Chap. VII. 5 p.c. 568, according to traditional 

about the promulgation of the Religion. chronology; see West, SBE. xlvii. 
* Yt. 18. 121; Dk. 7. 6. 12. See Introd. § 55, and below, Appendix III. 


proceed to chronicle, ‘in the sixty-fourth year of the Religion 
passed away Jamasp, the same as became the priest of priests 
after Zarattsht.’! This sage was indeed a Mobed of Mobeds. 
Then in the seventy-third year he is followed by his son Han- 
gaurush, whose name appears also in the Avesta (Yt. 13. 104).? 
Still another event is recorded in the eightieth year of the 
Faith; this is the death of the pious Asmok-Khanvatd (Av. 
Asmo-hvanvat), as well as that of the wizard Akht, who is 
killed, and his name also appears in the Avesta as elsewhere.? 

Later Disciples and Successors. — The same Pahlavi text 
from which the quotations have been made, furnishes also the 
names of ‘six great upholders of the religion.’* These are 
Zoroaster’s two daughters, ‘Fréné and Srit6, with Ahariibs- 
stdtd, son of Métyomah’— three names which appear in the 
Avesta and which have been given in Chapter II. Next is 
mentioned Vohiném (Av. Vohu-nemah, Yt. 13. 104), whose 
birth occurred in the fortieth year of the Religion, or seven 
years before Zoroaster’s death. But most important is Sén6 of 
Bist, in the land of Sagastan,® who is said to have flourished 
for a hundred years and to have left behind him, as the sixth 
prop and support of the Religion, a hundred pupils whose 
teaching fills the century until the coming of Alexander 
brought ruin and desolation upon the Faith.® 

The Greeks likewise recognize a long line of apostles and dis- 

13.c. 567. See Appendix III. be- 

2 Compare Phi. Zsp. 23. 10 with Yt. 
18. 104. 

3 Phi. Zsp. 23. 10; Av. Yt. 13. 96; 1. 
80 = 22. 37; 5. 82; cf. Yosht-i Fryan6 
1.2, and West’s note in SBE. xlvii, 166. 

4 Zsp. 28. 11. 

5 Bist is described by the pseudo- 
Ibn-Haukal as being on the river Hér- 
mend (Hilmend) between Ghor and 
the lake (see Ouseley’s Oriental Geog- 
raphy, p. 206). This information is 

from West in his letter translating for 
me the ‘ Wonders of Sagastan.’ 

6 p.c. 831; see Appendix III. On 
the teacher Sénd (Av. Saéna), cf. Yt. 
18. 97; Zsp. 23. 11; Dk. 7. 7.6; and 
consult West, Grundriss d. tran. Philol. 
ii. 118, § 99, Peshotan Dastur Behram- 
jee Sanjana, Dinkart, vol. v. p. 308 
(reading Sén6 for Dayun ; cf. Darmes- 
teter, Le ZA. ii. 580) ; especially also 
Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The Antiquity 
of the Avesta, p. 12 in Bombay Branch, 
JRAS. art. xvii. June, 1896. 


ciples, or Magian priests, descending from Zoroaster. Dioge- 
nes Laertius (A.D. second and third century) de Vit. Philos. 
Procem 2, seems to base his statement on the older authority of 
Hermodorus (B.c. 250) when he states that ‘after Zoroaster 
there were many different Magians in unbroken succession, 
such as Ostanes, Astrampsychus, Gobryas, Pazates, until the 
overthrow of the Persians by Alexander.’! The Latin writer 
Pliny employs the name of a Magian, Apuscorus, and he desig- 
nates as Osthanes the Magian priest who accompanied Xerxes 
on his great Hellenic expedition and introduced the Magic Art 
into Greece.2, And so the chain runs on, link after link in 
unending sequence; and in spite of the changes and chances of 
transitory fortune, the line of apostolic succession remains 
unbroken to the present, down to its representatives to-day in 
the priesthood that cherishes the sacred flame in the fire-temple 
of Bombay! 

Prophecies and Future Events. — As several times alluded to 
already, the Pahlavi Bahman Yasht describes an apocalyptic 
vision in which Zoroaster is supposed to have beheld, unfolded 
before him, the whole future history of the Religion. The 
four or seven branches of the tree which rises before his eyes, 
symbolize emblematically the gold, silver, steel, and iron, or 
other eras, of the Faith down to the final Millennium, all of 
which is foretokened. These prophecies are not ancient, how- 
ever, but they date rather from the times that came after the 
Mohammedan Conquest, when Zoroastrianism sank before the 
rising power of Islam. Nevertheless, they sweep in rapid 
glance the whole history of the Religion and they summarize 

1 This subject has already been al- 
luded to in Chap. I, and the text of 
the passage is given in Appendix V. 
and in Appendix II. The plurals in- 
dicate type or class. In connection 
with Astrampsychus, moreover, we 
may recall the later dream-book which 
bears his name, Astrampsychi Onetro- 

criticon, sive Somniorum Interpretatio, 
recogn. Scaliger, Paris, 1599. 

2 Cf. Appendix V., and also Kleuker, 
Zend-Av. Anhang, ii. Thl. 8, p. 91; 
Windischmann, Zor. Stud., pp. 285, 
n. 2, 286. Furthermore, on a mention 
of Osthanes, Hostanes, in Minucius Fe- 
lix, compare Kleuker, tom. cit. p, 119. 


the great eras which the Founder himself in his wise judgment 
and prophetic insight might in a general way have forecast as 
the history of nations and of faiths, even though he did not 
express it. 

Summary. — Zoroastrianism does not die with its founder. 
National events have changed the course of its history, but it 
lives on. The occurrences of the years that intervened between 
the death of the Prophet and the coming of Alexander, so far 
as they are chronicled by tradition, are worth recording as the 
result, in a way, of Zoroaster’s life, and they are interesting 
from the standpoint of comparison between tradition and actual 


‘Read the conclusion, then.’ 
— SHAKSPERE, Pericles, 1. 1. 56. 

AND now the story of the life and legend of the Prophet of 
ancient Iran — the sage who was born to leave his mark upon 
the world, who entered upon his ministry at the age of thirty, 
and who died by violence at the age of seventy-seven — is at 
an end. Hurriedly we may scan once more the pages of his 
career. Born in the fulness of time, he appears as a prophet 
in the latter half of the seventh century before the Christian 
era, and the period of his activity falls between the closing 
years of Median rule and the rising wave of Persian power. 
He himself stands as the oldest type and representative of what 
we may call, in the language of the Bible, the laws of the 
Medes and Persians. His teaching had already taken deep 
root in the soil of Iran when the Jews were carried up into 
captivity in Babylon and had learned of that law which altereth 
not, or before a Daniel came to interpret the ominous hand- 
writing on the wall which the soothsayers failed to read. Zoro- 
aster is the contemporary of Thales, of Solon, or of the Seven 
Sages of classical antiquity. He is the forerunner of Confu- 
cius, the philosopher who was to arise to expound to China the 
tenets of her people’s faith. By him is sounded in Iran the 
trumpet-call that afterwards echoes with a varied note in 
India when the gentle Buddha comes forth to preach to thirst- 
ing souls the doctrine of redemption through renunciation. 
Zoroaster, finally, is the father, the holy prototype, of those 




Wise Men from the East who came and bowed before the 
new-born Light of the World in the manger-cradle at 

Zoroaster was a Magian; the Magi, as Herodotus tells us, 
were a Median tribe. Although he was born in Atropatene in 
the west, it is not impossible that much of his prophetic career 
was spent in the east, in Bactria or in that region of country. 
We certainly have evidence that the seeds of his teaching 
found fruitful soil in eastern Iran. Crusading achieved the 
rest. The story of the Holy Wars between Iran and Turan, 
the storming of Balkh, the final victories in the great battles 
of Khorassan or Bactria, have all been told. The spread of 
the Creed continues. Media itself doubtless generally accepted 
the reform of the Prophet. The Median name Fravartish has 
been interpreted by Justi to mean ‘ Confessor’ (i.e. of the Zoro- 
astrian Faith), and has been instanced as a proof of its accept- 
ance, although this appellation seems rather to be an old Magian 
name, agreeing with the concept fravast, which apparently 
existed before the Zoroastrian reform. The Magians them- 
selves were known long prior to the time of Zoroaster, as Albi- 
runi (p. 314) expressly states; but, as he adds, in the course 
of time there remains ‘no pure, unmixed portion of them who 
do not practise the religion of Zoroaster.’ This tends to prove 
how universally the doctrines had found acceptance. The 
question as to the time when and the manner in which the 
Faith entered Persia Proper is reserved for discussion else- 

As to the general deductions which have been drawn, we 
may say that time will doubtless prove or disprove the accuracy 
or inaccuracy of many of the statements upon which they are 
based. Some of these may be shown to rest upon a foundation 
of fact rather than fiction, especially if we may judge from the 
tendency of recent years in finding confirmation for tradition. 
Some, however, may be proved to be purely fanciful. We can 
but gain by the truth in either case. The historic import of 


some, moreover, may be shown to be not without interest. In 
the light of such, perhaps, the current views with regard to the 
relationship between Zoroastrianism and Judaism may take on 
a new aspect, particularly if we emphasize the fact that Zoro- 
aster arose in the west, in Atropatene and Media, about the 
time of the early Prophetic Period of Israel. From the Bible 
we know that captive Jews were early carried up from Samaria 
into certain cities of the Medes. From the Avesta, on the 
other hand, we know that Zoroaster had rung out a trumpet 
note and clarion cry of reform, of prophecy, and of Messianic 
promise, before the days of Babylonian Exile. 

From our knowledge, too, of contemporaneous history we 
recall in the current of events that the reputed empire of Bac- 
tria, if it existed, had yielded the prestige to Media; and that 
the sovereignty of Media was swept away before the glorious 
power of Persia. In Persia, Greece recognized a culmination 
of the glory of Iran. Though the Greek vanquishes the Per- 
sian in battle, he still has stories to tell of Magian wisdom and 
of Eastern philosophy. Plato, Pythagoras, and other great 
thinkers are claimed to have emulated the teachings of the 
Magi; and later Moslem or Zoroastrian tradition asserts that 
the ancient sacred writings of Iran, the quintessence of all 
knowledge, were translated into Greek. 

And as for imperial times, the Persian wars brought Rome 
into contact with Zoroastrians, as they had brought the Greeks. 
A phase of Zoroastrianism known as Mithraism penetrated into 
Rome and into Western Europe. The rise of the Neo-Platonic 
school was certainly not without influence from Zoroastrianism, 
nor without influence upon later Zoroastrianism. The tenets 
of Zoroastrian Manicheism even disturbed Christian thought 
fora time. In all such cases the relations doubtless are more 
or less reciprocal. Even the pages of the Koran and the doc- 
trines of Mohammed are not free from the influence of the 
Faith which they vanquished by the sword. The spark of the 
sacred fire has never been quenched; the holy flame continues to 


blaze; and the Religion of Zoroaster still lives on. Yes, and 
whatever may be the changing fates, it will live on, so long as 
there are successors worthy to bear the name of the Master, as 
are the Parsis to-day, those faithful followers of the Creed of 
the Prophet of Ancient Iran. 

Khujastah pat va nam-i i Zaradu%t. 
—Firpausi, Shah Namah. 












Tue number of etymologies or explanations for Zoroaster’s name 
(cf. p. 14) is almost legion. In Greek classical antiquity, Deinon 
offered an interpretation or paraphrase, as he defined the Prophet’s 
name as ‘Star-worshipper’ (dorpofurns); see citation in Diogenes 
Laertius, Proewm, 1. 6: Acivwy ... ds Kal peOcpunverduevov not 
tov ZLwpodotpynv &otpobdrynyv eva. The Scholiast of the Pla- 
tonic Alcibiades I. p. 122, evidently accepts this derivation when he 
says:  Zwpodotpys .-. ov d& eis “EXAnuxyy gov perappaldouevoy 
Tovvowa Tov doTpoOtryy oyror. See Appendix V. below. In this 
explanation the first part of the name (Zwp-) seems to be associated 
in some way with the later Persian 26r = Av. zao0ra-, ‘libation’; 
the latter portion of the name is Grecized as doryp; cf. Windisch- 
mann, Zoroastrische Studien, p. 275, and see also Pott, ZDMG. xiii. 

Somewhat similar appears to be the attempt of the Clementine 
Homilies and Recognitions to interpret as féca foy dorépos, Or as 
vivum sidus, as given below in Appendix V., Clem. Homil. 9. 3-6: 
da 76 THY TOU daoTépos Kar airod Cdcav evexOnvar ponv = Recogni- 
tiones, 4. 27-29: quasi vivum astrum. ... Hine enim et nomen post 
mortem eius Zoroaster, hoc est vivum sidus. See Appendix V., 
§ 12, and cf. Rapp, ZDMG. xix. 34. 

The next explanations, if we follow chronological sequence, are to 
be found in the Syro-Arabic Lexica of Bar ‘Ali (c. a.p. 832) and of 
Bar Bahlal (c. a.p. 936) as ‘golden kingdom’ or ‘royal gold,’ zar, 
‘cold’ + wast, ‘kingship’; cf. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
pp. 27-28. 

Lapse of time has not caused conjectures to cease, and etymologies 
have still continued to be offered. Hovelacque (L’ Avesta, Zoroastre 
et le Mazdéisme, p. 185 seq., Paris, 1880) enumerates various sug- 
gestions that have been made, including the Clementine vivwm sidus 
given above and recorded by Barnabé Brisson, De Regio Persarum 



Principatu, p. 887, Argentorati, 1710 (orig. ed. Paris, 1590); or 
another interpretation as ‘friend of fire’ proposed by Henry Lord, 
Religion of the Parsees, p. 152, London, 1630 = p. 382 a, Churchill 
ed. London, 1732; cf. likewise d’Herbelot, Bibliotheque orientale, art. 
‘Zoroastre’; or, again (as stated on Parsi authority), a proposed 
significance, ‘bathed in gold,’ ‘melted silver,’ Zaer-sios, Zaersioest, 
found in C. Le Bruyn, Voyages en Perse et aux Indes orientales, 
ii. p. 388. Most of these attempts are futile, as they were made 
without an acquaintance with the actual Avestan form Zaradustra. 

The discussion by Anquetil du Perron (Zend-Avesta, i. Part 2, 
p. 2 seq., Paris, 1771) is of interest because he knew Avestan, but 
his conjecture ‘Taschter (astre) dor’ —counecting the name with 
Tishtrya— had little to recommend it. Eugéne Burnouf was the 
first who rightly saw uStra, ‘camel,’ in the name and he explained 
Zarad-ustra as ‘fulvos camelos habens’ (Comm. sur le Yacna, pp. 12- 
14, Paris, 1833); but he afterwards gave ‘astre d’or’ (Notes, p. 166), 
see Brockhaus, Vendidad Sade, p. 361, Leipzig, 1850, and Windisch- 
mann, Zor. Stud. pp. 46-47, or earlier in Jen. Litt. Zt., 1834, ur. 
138, pp. 138-139. In the year 1855, Sir Henry Rawlinson made a 
guess that the name might be Semitic, i.e. Zara-thusira = Ziru-istar 
‘seed of Ishtar, descendant of Venus,’ JRAS., Gt. Brit. and Ireland, 
xv. 227, 246 (cf. George Rawlinson, Herodotus, vol. iii. p. 455). 
On the contrary Haug, Die fiinf Gathas, ii. p. 246, Abh. f. Kunde d. 
Morgenlandes, Leipzig, 1860, suggested ‘trefflicher Lobsinger’ (cf. 
Skt. jarat ‘praising’ + uttara ‘superior’) but he afterwards aban- 
doned such a view. It was criticised also by Weber, Zit. OC. Bi., nr. 
28, p. 457 (1861), nr. 27, p. 647 (1863) = Ind. Streif. pp. 449, 466 
(1869). Also discussed by Mills, Zoroastrian Gathais, p. 426 seq. 
(1892-4). Another scholar (Lassen, I believe, if we may judge from 
Windischmann, Zor. Stud. pp. 46-47; Pott, ZDMG. xiii. 426 seq.) 
offered ‘gold-smith’ (cf. Skt. hari + tvastar). Jules Oppert made 
Zoroaster ‘splendeur d’or’ in his L’Honover, le Verbe Créateur de 
Zoroastre, p. 4, Extrait des Ann. de Philos. Chrétienne, Jan., 1862. 

In the same year as Oppert (1862), Fr. Muller summarized a number 
of views that were current at the time and he explained zara6-u3tra 
as ‘muthige Kamele besitzend’ (Zendstudien, i. 635-639, Sitzungsbe- 
richte der Akademie, Dez., 1862, Wien, 1862 = transl. by Darab 
Peshotan Sanjana Geiger’s Eastern Iranians, ii. 172 seq.). [But cf. 
Lit. Centralblatt, 1863, p. 614; and later Miller offers the bizarre 
interpretation as z&6ra-uSta ‘von der Geburt an Glick habend’ 


(WZEM. vi. 264, Wien, 1892).] Spiegel proposed ‘Kamele 
peinigend’ (Siizb. kgl. bayer. Akad. phil. cl. p. 10, Jan. 5, 1867). In 
1871, the Spanish scholar Ayuso accepted the more or less familiar 
identification of part of the name with ‘star,’ as shown by his 
‘estrella de oro’ (Hl Estudio de la Filologia, p. 180, Madrid, 1871) ; 
and he repeats the same view in his Los Pueblos tranios y Zoroastro, 
p. 7, Madrid, 1874. 

Returning to France, it may next be noted that J. Darmesteter 
(Ormazd et Ahriman, p. 194, n., Paris, 1877) first proposed * zarat- 
vat-tra, comparative degree of an adj. signifying ‘rouge, couleur 
dor’; but he later suggests ‘aux chameaux jaunes’ zaradu-ustra, 
Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 76, n., Paris, 1893; but on this see Barthol- 
omae, LF. vi. Anz. p. 47. Ascoli once offered * zarat-vastra ‘der 
bebauung des feldes zugewogen, zugethan’ Beitrdige z. vgl. Spr. v. 
211, 1868. More recently Casartelli hinted at ‘ploughing with 
camels’ (cf. Skt. hala- ‘plough’), Academy, vol. 31, p. 257, April 9, 
1887. Other suggestions have been made such as Paulus Cassel, 
explaining as Hebraic ‘Sternensohn’ (Zoroaster, sein Name und seine 
Zeit, Berlin, 1886, cited from Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 40, n.). 
Brunnhofer, Vom Pontus bis zum Indus, p. 147, Leipzig, 1890. 
Kern’s ‘Goldglanz’ (Zara-thu3tra) and Brodbeck’s ‘Gold-stern’ (evi- 
dently after Anquetil’s etymology, cf. Brodbeck, Zoroaster, p. 30, 
Leipzig, 1893) are noted by Rindtorff, Die Religion des ZarathuStra, 
p. 13 (Weimar, 1897). E. Wilhelm has also incidentally dealt with 
the subject of Zoroaster’s name in connection with the form 
Zabpavorns, which is found in Ctesias, in Le Muséon, x. 569-571, 
Louvain, 1891. 



Presented to the American Oriental Society April 18th, 1895. 

[Reprinted from the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. xvu., 
pp. 1-22, 1896. A few slight additions which have been made are indicated by 
enclosing them in square brackets. Some trivial changes made for the sake of 
uniformity, and several unimportant corrections require no notice. ] 

GREAT men are the children of their age. Heirs to the heritage 
of the past, they are charged with the stewardship of the posses- 
sions to be handed down to the future. Summing up within 
themselves the influences of the times that call them forth, stamped 
with the impress of their day, their spirit in turn shows its reflex 
upon the age that gives them birth. We read them in their age; we 
read their age in them. So it is of the prophets and sages, religious 
teachers and interpreters, which have been since the world began. 
The teaching of a prophet is the voice of the age in which he lives; 
his preaching is the echo of the heart of the people of hisday. The 
era of a prophet is therefore not without its historic significance ; it 
is an event that marks an epoch in the life of mankind. The age of 
most of the great religious teachers of antiquity is comparatively 
well known; but wide diversity prevails with regard to the date at 
which Iran’s ancient prophet Zoroaster lived and taught; yet his 
appearance must have had its national significance in the land 
between the Indus and the Tigris; and the great religious movement 
which he set on foot must have wrought changes and helped to shape 
the course of events in the early history of Iran. The treatment of 
this question forms the subject of the present paper.’ 

1 This paper forms a companion-piece to the present writer’s discussion 
of ‘Zoroaster’s Native Place’ in JAOS. xv. 221-232. 

2 [Since the appearance of the monograph on the ‘Date of Zoroaster,’ 
which is here reprinted, the general subject of Zoroastrian chronology has 
been ably treated by E. W. West (SBE. xlvii. Introd. p. xxvii. seq.). 
Dr. West’s researches confirm the results here obtained ; and he is in a 
position to define the date of Zoroaster still more precisely, at least on the 
basis of tradition, as B.c. 660-583. His entire discussion should be read. 
An extract from his chronological table is given in Appendix III. ] 



The Avesta itself gives us no direct information in answer to the 
inquiry as to the date of Zoroaster. It presents, indeed, a picture 
of the life and times; we read accounts of King Vishtaspa, the 
Constantine of the Faith; but the fragments that remain of the 
sacred texts present no absolutely clear allusions to contemporary 
events that might decisively fix the era. The existing diversity of 
opinion with reference to Zoroaster’s date is largely due to this fact 
and to certain incongruities in other ancient statements on the 
subject. The allusions of antiquity to this subject may conveni- 
eutly be divided into three groups: ?— 

8 [The results of earlier investigators of the subject, Brisson, Stanley, 
Hyde, Buddeus, Prideaux, and others, as mentioned by Anquetil du Perron, 
are practically included in his examination of the problem of Zoroaster’s 
date. Anquetil’s treatise, together with Foucher’s previous inquiries into 
the subject, are accessible in Kleuker, Anhang zum ZA. i. Thl. 1, pp. 825- 
374, and Thl. 2, pp. 55-81. They are of interest to the specialist. Cf. also 
Spiegel, Avesta Uebersetzt, i. 43,n. The later bibliography of the subject 
is given below in the course of the investigation. ] 

I. First, those references that assign to Zoroaster [= orig. p. 2] 
the extravagant date B.c. 6000. 
II. Second, such allusions as connect his name with the more or 
less legendary Ninus and the uncertain Semiramis. 
III. Third, the traditional date, placing the era of Zoroaster’s 
teaching at some time during the sixth century B.c. 

All the material will first be presented under the headings A. I., 
A.IL, and A.III.; then a detailed discussion of the data, pages 
16-19 = pp. 170-174, under the heading B; and, finally, a sum- 
mary of results, under the heading C, pages 19-22 = pp. 174-177. 


A.I. Classical passages placing Zoroaster at 6000 3.c. 
Pliny the Elder. 


Scholion to Plato. 

Diogenes Laertius. 



Georgius Syncellus. 

Rre aor Pp 


A. II. Passages associating Zoroaster’s name with Semiramis and Ninus. 


Cephalion (Moses of Khorene, Georgius Syncellus). 






Snorra Edda. 

Bar ‘Ali. 

Som poe ph O&O op 

A. III. The native tradition as to Zoroaster’s date. 
Arta Viraf. 
The Dabistan. 
The Mujmal al-Tawarikh and the Ulam4-i Islam. 
The Chinese-Parsi era. 
Reports connecting Zoroaster and Jeremiah. 
Pahlavi Perso-Arabic allusions to Nebuchadnezzar, 
Ammianus Marcellinus and Eutychius. 
. Nicolaus Damascenus, Porphyry, etc. 

Bow SO Bo bho ao op 

A.I. Allusions placing Zoroaster at 6000 B.C. 

The allusions of the first group comprehend those classical 
references that assign to Zoroaster the fabulous age of B.c. 6000 or 
thereabouts.!. These references are confined chiefly to the classics, 

and their chief claim to any consideration is that they 
[=orig. p.3] purport to be based upon information handed down from 

Eudoxus, Aristotle, and Hermippus. Such extraordi- 
nary figures, however, are presumably due to the Greeks’ having 
misunderstood the statements of the Persians, who place Zoroaster’s 
millennium amid a great world-period of 12,000 years, which they 
divided into cycles of 3000 years,’ and in accordance with which 
belief Zoroaster’s fravashi had in fact existed several thousands of 
years. The classical material on the subject is here presented. 


1So the general classical statements of ‘5000 years before the Trojan 
war,’ or the like, although some variant readings 500 (for 5000) are found. 
The number 5000 (6000) is, however, the correct one. 

2 According to the chronology of the Bindahishn 34. 7, Zoroaster appeared 
at the end of the ninth millennium: compare, West, Bundahish transl. 
SBE. vy. 149-151 notes ; Spiegel, Hranische Alterthumskunde, i. 500-508 ; 
Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, 147-165 ; also Plutarch Is. et Os. 47, 
Gedmoumos 5€ gyot Kata Tos mdryous avd mepos TpicxlrAia ery Toy pey Kpareiy, 
toy 5& kpareioOa: TaY Oedv, LAAG OE TpicxlAia mdxeoOat Ka) ToAEmeElY Kal dvadtelw 
Td TOD Etépov Td Erepov' TéAos O’ GmorclmedOat Toy “ALdny. 

(a) Pliny the Elder (a.p, 23-79), WN. H. 30. 2.1 [Wn. 279, 288), 
cites the authority of Eudoxus of Cnidus (s.c. 368), of Aristotle 
(z.c. 350), and of Hermippus (c. B.c. 250), for placing Zoroaster 
6000 years before the death of Plato or 5000 years before the Trojan 
war: Hudoxus, qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam utilissimamque 
eam (artem magicam) intellegi voluit, Zoroastrem hune sea milibus 
annorum ante Platonis mortem fuisse prodidit ; sic et Aristoteles. Her- 
mippus qui de tota ea arte diligentissime scripsit et viciens centum milia 
versuum a Zoroastre condita indicibus quoque voluminum eius positis 
explanavit, praeceptorem, a quo institutum diceret, credidit Agonacen, 
ipsum vero quinque milibus annorum ante Troianum bellum fuisse. 
For that reason apparently (NV. H. 80. 2. 11) he speaks of Moses as 
living multis milibus annorum post Zoroastrem. But Pliny also ex- 
presses uncertainty as to whether there was one or two Zoroasters, 
and he mentions a later Proconnesian Zoroaster: WN. H. 30. 2. 1 sine 
dubio illic (ars Magica) orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter auctores 
convenit. Sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius, non satis constat ; 
and after speaking of Osthanes, the Magian who accompanied Xerxes 
to Greece, he adds: (N. H. 30. 2. 8.) diligentiores paulo ante hunc 
(Osthanem) ponunt Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium. Pliny’s Pro- 
connesian Zoroaster must have flourished about the seventh or sixth 
century. [See Appendix V. § 5, below. ] 

(b) Plutarch (4.p. 1st century), adopts likewise the same general 
statement that places the prophet Zoroaster about 5000 years before 
the Trojan war: Is. et Os. 46 (ed. Parthey, p. 81), Zwpdacrprs (sic) 6 
pdyos, dv wevrakiryiAfos erect TOY TpwLKOy yeyovévat Tpec BurEepoy ixropodow. 
[See Appendix V. § 6, below. ] 

(c) The Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades I. 122 (ed. Baiter, 
Orelli et Winckelmann, p. 918), makes a statement, in substance 
tantamount to the last one, as follows:  Zwpodorpys dpyatorepos 
eLaxicyidios erecw «ivar héyerot IAdrwvos. [See Appendix V. § 1.] 


[= orig. p. 4] (d) Diogenes Laertius (a.p. 2d, 3d century), de Vit. 

Philos. Proem. 2 (recens. Cobet, Paris, 1850, p. 1), 
similarly quotes Hermodorus (8.c. 250?), the follower of Plato, 
as authority for placing Zoroaster’s date at 5000 years before the 
fall of Troy, or, as he adds on the authority of Xanthus of Lydia 
(z.c. 500-450), Zoroaster lived 6000 years (some MSS. 600) before 
Xerxes. The text runs: dad 8 trav Mayor, dv dpa Zwpoacrpyy tov 
Tléponv, ‘“Eppddwpos pev 6 WAarwrixds ev rd wept pabyydrov pyaoty eis Thy 
Tpoias dAwow ern yeyovevae wevraxicyiua’ EdvOos 5& 6 Avdds eis rhv 
Bépfou dutBacw dd tot Zwpodorpov éfaxiryiiua yor, wal per adrov 
yeyovévat toddovs Twas Méyous kata Siadoynv, Ooravas Kal ’Aorpapiyiyous 
kai TwBpvas cai Ilalaras, péype ris tév IlepoGy im *Adcgavdpov xara- 
icews. [See Appendix V. § 15.] 

(e) Lactantius, Inst. 7. 15, must have entertained some similar 
opinion regarding Zoroaster; for he speaks of Hystaspes (famous as 
Zoroaster’s patron) as being an ancient king of Media long before 
the founding of Rome: Hystaspes quoque, qui fuit Medorum rex 
antiquissimus . . . sublatum iri ex orbe imperium nomenque Roma- 
num multo ante praefatus est, quam ila Trotana gens conderetur 
(cf. Migne, Patrolog. tom. 6 and Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 259, 

(f) Suidas (10th century a.p.), s. v. Zwpoacrpys, speaks of two 
Zoroasters, of whom one lived 500 (read 5000) years before the 
Trojan war, while the other was an astronomer of the.time of Ninus 
— éyévero 88 mpd rév Tpwikdy éreow ¢’. 

(g) Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, i. p. 147, ed. Dindorf, 
alludes to a Zoroaster as one of the Median rulers over Babylon. 
Cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 302, and Haug, A Lecture on Zoro- 
aster, p. 23, Bombay, 1865. On Syncellus’ citation of Cephalion, 
see next page. 

A. II. Allusions associating Zoroaster’s Name with Semiramis 
and Ninus. 

Second to be considered is a series of statements which connect 
the name of Zoroaster with that of the more or less uncertain Ninus 
and Semiramis.! These references also are confined almost exclu- 
sively to the classics, and the difficulty with them is that, in addi- 
tion to their general character, which bears a legendary coloring, 
they are based apparently upon a misinterpretation of the name 


*Oévdprys or its variants in a fragment of Ctesias (discussed below), 
which has been understood as an allusion to Zoroaster. 

1 The date of Semiramis, however, is regarded by Lehmann (Berliner 
Philolog. Wochenbdlatt, Nr. 8, col. 239-240, 17 Febr. 1894, comparing Hadt. 
1. 184) to be about B.c. 800. 

(a) The authority of Ctesias (e.c. 400) is quoted by Diodorus 
Siculus (a.v. Ist century) 2. 6, for the statement that Ninus with 
a large army invaded Bactria and by the aid of Semiramis gained 
a victory over King Oxyartes. See Fragments of the Persika of 
Ktesias, ed. Gilmore, p. 29. Instead of the name ’Ogvdprys, the 
manuscript variants show “Eyadprys, Xadprys, Zadprys. The last 
somewhat recalls the later Persian form of the name Zoroaster; and 
Cephalion, Justin, Eusebius, and Arnobius, drawing 
on Ctesias, make Zoroaster a Bactrian or the opponent [=orig. p. 5] 
of Ninus (see below); but "Ogvaptys may very well be 
an independent name, identical as far as form goes with Av. 
uxsyat-orata, Yt. 13. 128, and it is doubtless the better Greek reading. 
The other statements are here given as they similarly come into 
consideration with respect to Zoroaster’s native place. They are: — 

(b) Fragments of Cephalion (a.p. 120), preserved in the Arme- 
nian version of Eusebius, Chron. 1. 48, ed. Aucher: a passage 
describes the defeat of Zoroaster the Magian, king of the Bactrians, 
by Semiramis: “Incipio scribere de quibus et alii commemorarunt 
atque imprimis Hellanicus Lesbius Ctesiasque Cnidius, deinde Herodo- 
tus Halicarnassus Primum Asiae imperarunt Assyrit, ex quibus 
erat Ninus Beli (filius), cuius regni aetate res quam plurimae celeber- 
rimaeque virtutes gestae fuerunt.” Postea his adiciens profert etiam 
generationes Semiramidis atque (narrat) de Zoroastri Magi Bactriano- 
rum regis certamine ac debellatione a Semiramide: nec non tempus 
Nini LIT annos fuisse, atque de obitu eius. Post quem quum regnas- 
set Semiramis, muro Babylonem circumdedit ad eandem formam, qua 
a plerisque dictum est: Ctesia nimirum et Zenone Herodotoque nec 
non aliis ipsorum posteris. Deinde etiam apparatum belli Semiramt- 
dis adversus Indos eiusdemque cladem et fugam narrat, etc. This 
statement is recorded by Georgius Syncellus (c. a.p. 800), Chron., ed. 
Dind. i. p. 315: “"Apyxouat ypaew, ad’ Gy GAAoe Te euynpdvevoay, Kal Td 
mparo, EAXdvixds re & AéoBios kal Krynoins 6 Kvidtos, erevra “Hpddoros 6 
‘Adixapvacets. 7d madadv ris “Aoias ¢Bacidevoav “Acavpin, tov dé 6 
Bijdov Nivos.” ir érdiye yeveow Sepupapews xal Zwpodorpov payou (MSS. 


Barov) ere vf’ ris Nivov Baoireias. pre” dv BaBvadva, dyciv, } Seuipapss 
ére(yuoe, Tpdrov ds woddois AéAeKrat, Kryoia, Zyvor. (Miller, Acivwn), 
“Hpoddr kal trois per’ abrovs* orparetny re adris kara tov “Ivdv Kat Hrrav 
x. 7. A. Cf. also Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 303, Spiegel, Hran. 
Alter. 1. 676-677 ; Miller, Frag. Hist. Gr. iii. 627. Furthermore, on 
the reputed work of the Armenian Moses of Khorene, i. 16, see Gil- 
more, Ktesias Persika, p.80,n.; Spiegel, Hran. Alter. i. 682 ; Windisch- 
mann, Zor. Stud. pp. 804-3805; Muller, Frag. Hist. Gr. iti. 627, v. 
328; Langlois, Historiens de ? Arménie, ii. 45-175, Paris, 1867-1869. 
[The Armenian Thomas Arzrouni associates Zoroaster’s name with 
Semiramis. See Appendix VI.] 

1 This mention of Herodotus might possibly be adduced as an argument 
that Herodotus was at least acquainted with the name of Zoroaster. 

(c) Again, Theon (4.p. 130 ?), Progymnasmata 9, rept cvyxpicews, 
ed. Spengel, Rhet. Gree. ii. p. 115, speaks of “Zoroaster the 
Bactrian” in connection with Semiramis: Ov yap ef Téuupis xpeirrov 
éori Kipou 7} cat vat pa Ava Seuipapus Zwpodorpov rod Baxrpiov, ndy ovyxu- 
pyréov Kat 7d OAV Tod dppevos dvSpedrepov civax. Cf. Windischmann, 
Zor. Stud. p. 290, Spiegel Eran. Alterthumsk. i. 677. [See Appen- 

dix V. § 8.] 
(= orig. p. 6] (d) Justin (4.p. 120), in his epitome of Trogus Pom- 
peius’ Hist. Philippic. 1.1, distinctly makes Zoroaster 
the opponent of Ninus, and says that he was king of Bactria and 
a Magician: postremum bellum ili fuit cum Zoroastre, rege Bactrian- 
orum, qui primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse et mundi principia 
siderumque motus diligentissime spectasse. [See Appendix V. § 10.] 

(e) Arnobius (4.p. 297), Adversus Gentes, 1. 5, in like manner 
mentions a battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians under 
the leadership respectively of Ninus and Zoroaster: inter Assyrios 
et Bactrianos, Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus. See Gilmore, 
Ktesias, p. 36. [See Appendix V. § 16.] 

(f) Eusebius (4.p. 300), Chron. 4. 35, ed. Aucher, has a like allu- 
sion: Zoroustres Magus rex Bactrianorum clarus habetur adversum 
quem Ninus dimicavit; and again (Windischmann, p. 290), Praepara- 
tio Evang. 10. 9,10, ed. Dind. I. p. 560, Nivos, xaG’ dv Zwpoacrpys 6 
Mdyos Baxrpiwy éBacitevce. [See Appendix V. § 18.] 

(g) Paulus Orosius (5th century a.p.), the Spanish presbyter, of 
whose chronicle we have also King Alfred’s Anglo-Saxon version, 
states that Ninus conquered and slew Zoroaster of Bactria, the 


Magician. See Orosius, Old-English Teat and Latin Original, ed. by 
Henry Sweet (Early Eng. Text Soc. vol. 79), p. 30-31: Novissime 
Zoroastrem Bactrianorum regem, eundemque magicae artis repertorem, 
pugna oppressum interfecit. Or, in Anglo-Saxon, and hé Ninus Soro- 
astrem Bactriana cyning, se cuthe cerest manna drycreeftas, hé hine 
oferwann and ofsloh. 

(h) Suidas in his Lexicon (s. v. Zoroaster) assumes the existence 
of two Zoroasters (cf. p. 4 = p. 154), the second an astrologer: ’Aorpo- 
vonos ext Nivov Baotrdéws ’Acovpiwv. [Appendix V. § 45.] 

(i) In the Snorra Edda Preface, Zoroaster is identified with Baal 
or Bel, cf. Jackson in PAOS., March, 1894, vol. xvi. p. exxvi. [See 
Appendix VI.] 

(j) In some Syriac writers and elsewhere an identification of 
Zoroaster with Balaam is recorded, for example in the Lexicon of 
Bar ‘Ali (c. a.p. 832), s. v. Balaam, ‘Balaam is Zardosht, the di- 
viner of the Magians.’ See Gottheil, References to Zoroaster in 
Syriac and Arabic Lit. pp. 27, 80 n., 32 (Drisler Classical Studies, 
N. Y., 1894). Sometimes he is only compared with Balaam. [An 
association of his name with Ham, Seth, and Abraham, is also found. ] 

A. III. The Native Tradition as to Zoroaster’s Date. 

Third, the direct Persian tradition comes finally into considera- 
tion. This tradition is found in the chronological chapter of the 
Bindahishn, 34. 1-9, is supported by the Arta Viraf, 1. 2-5 [and 
Zat-sparam, 23. 12], and is corroborated by abundant Arabic allu- 
sions (Albirini, Masidi, et ai.). It unanimously places the opening 
of Zoroaster’s ministry at 258 years before the era of Alexander, or 
272 years before the close of the world-conqueror’s dominion. 
According to these figures, the date of Zoroaster would fall between 
the latter half of the seventh century B.c. and the middle of the 
sixth century; his appearance in fact would be placed 
in the period just preceding the rise of the Achae- [=orig. p.7] 
menian dynasty. This merits attention also in detail. 

(a) The Arta Viraf 1. 1-5 in round numbers places Zoroaster 
three hundred years before Alexander’s invasion. Compare Haug 
and West, Arda Viraf, p. 141. ‘The pious Zaratusht made the reli- 
gion which he had received, current in the world, and till the end of 
300 years the religion was in purity and men were without doubts. 
But afterwards the accursed Evil Spirit, the wicked one, in order to 
make men doubtful of this religion, instigated the accursed Alexan- 


der, the Riman, who was dwelling in Egypt, so that he came to the 
country of Iran with severe cruelty and war and devastation; he 
also slew the ruler of Iran, and destroyed the metropolis and empire.’ 
[The Zat-sparam 23. 12 likewise alludes to the fact that the religion 
remained undisturbed ‘ until the 300th year’ ]. 

(b) The Bindahishn chapter (ch. 34) ‘on the reckoning of the 
years’ (to which one MS. adds —‘of the Arabs’) more exactly com- 
putes the various millenniums that made up the 12,000 years of the 
great world-cycle recognized by the worshippers of Mazda. In this 
period the era of Zoroaster falls at the close of the first 9000 years. 
He is placed in reality at the beginning of the historic period, if the 
long reigns attributed to Kai-Vishtasp and to Vohtiman son of 
Spend-dat (Av. Spentd-data, N. P. Isfendiar), may with reasonably 
fair justice be explained as that of a ruling house. There seems at 
least no distinct ground against such assumption. [West also 
explains the fabulous length of 120 years for Vishtasp’s reign, or B.c. 
660-540, as representing a short dynasty —SB#H. xlvii. Introd. 
§ 70]. The Bindahishn passage, 34. 7-8, in West’s translation (SBE. 
v. 150-151) reads, (7) ‘ Kai-Vishtasp, till the coming of the religion, 
thirty years, altogether a hundred and twenty years. (8) Vohi- 
man, son of Spend-dat, a hundred and twelve years; Himai, who 
was daughter of Vohiman, thirty years; Darai, son of Cihar-azad, 
that is, of the daughter of Vohiman, twelve years; Darai, son of 
Darai, fourteen years; Alexander the Riman, fourteen years.’ 

Vishtasp, after coming of religion. . . . ..... 90 
Vohiman Spend-dat ......4.2.4.+.... 112 
FRGMGR gs ge BB eh ew a we | we 280 
Darai-i Cihar-izat . . 1. 1... 1 eee eee © 12 
Daraiet Daray a: iw oe A le eS ee SG ee Te 
Alexander Riman ........,+.2.2... «14 


The result therefore gives 272 years from ‘the coming of the 
religion’ until the close of the dominion of Alexander the Great, or 
258 years before the beginning of his power. A repeated tradition 
exists that Zoroaster was forty-two years old when he first converted 
King Vishtaspa, who became his patron. If we interpret ‘the 
coming of the religion’ to mean its acceptance by Vishtaspa, we 
must add 42 years to the number 258 before Alexander in order to 
obtain the traditional date of Zoroaster’s birth. This would answer 


to the ‘three hundred years before Alexander’ of the Arta Viraf. 
If, however, we take the phrase ‘ coming of the religion’ 
to mean the date of Zoroaster’s entry upon his ministry [=orig. p. 8] 
(as does West, SBE. v. 219), we must then add 30 
years, which was Zoroaster’s age when he beheld his first vision of 
Ormazd. [The latter view is the correct one as shown by West. It 
is worth remarking that as Zoroaster’s revelation and the ‘coming 
of the religion’ are placed in the thirtieth year of Vishtdsp’s reign 
as well as of the Prophet’s life, both men accordingly would be 
represented as born in the same year if we adopt an Oriental custom 
in dating a king’s accession to the throne from the day of his birth.] 
A calculation based upon the figures of this tradition would place 
Zoroaster’s birth 42 years + 258 years (= 300 years) before B.c. 330, 
the date of the fall of the Iranian kingdom through Alexander’s 
conquest; in other words it would assign Zoroaster’s birth to about 
B.c. 630. [But as West has shown (SBH. xlvii. §§ 53-54), there is 
an evident omission of 35 years in the reckoning; he accounts for 
this error and combines the items, 272 years of Bd. 34. 7-8 with this 
date of Alexander’s death, B.c. 323, and with the 30th year of 
Zoroaster’s life in which the Revelation came, and he finds B.c. 660 
as the traditional date of the birth of Zoroaster and of Vishtasp’s 
accession. See below, Appendix III.] According to the same tradi- 
tion the duration of the various reigns of the Kayanian dynasty 
would be about as follows [West’s corrected chronology now 
included]: — 

Reigned Fictitious [West’s correction, 

King. years. date B.o. including 85 years.] 
Vishtésp . . . » ee 120 618-498 660-540 
Vohiman (Andashi Dirdedast 112 498-386 540-428 
Himai... os 30 386-356 428-363 
Data oii: ee Be es 12 356-344 363-351 
Darai-iDarai . . . Shc a 14 344-330 351-337 
[Accession of Alexander tohisinvasion ..... 337-331] 

The results would be somewhat altered if the computation be made 
according to lunar years or if a different point of departure be taken. 
The excessive lengths of the reigns of Vishtasp and Vohiman seem 
suspicious and suggest round numbers unless we are to interpret 
them as comprising successive rulers; for example, in historic times, 
beside Hystaspes, the father of Darius, we have the names of two 
other Hystaspes, later connected with the ruling house of Bactria.' 


The historic reigns of the Achaemenians may be compared (cf. 
Stokvis, Manuel d’ Histoire, p. 107). 

Cyfsie 48 eS woe ee ee ew ee BIC. 558-529 
Cambyses’ ~) w Ahtecms Sogn US oe we) me & 529-521 
Darlus- dy ea 8S Sw SE 521-485 
GEKES! Go Gow Kee) a Oe we we 485-465 
Artaxerxes Longimanus . . ....-... 465-425 
Darius Nothos.. . «2 sw % & « * *@ % 4% 425-405 
Artaxerxes Mnemon .......+64-. 405-362 
Artaxerxes Ochus . . 1... 1s ee ee 362-340 
PATSEST iy fa Gas. ose ed A ese ae Geils 340-337 
Darius Codomann bey tori Cites tas AS SS Man G 337-830 

Comparison may be made, as with West,’ identifying the long reign 
of Vohiman who is called Ardashir (Artaxerxes or Ardashir 
Dirazdast ‘the long-handed’) with Artaxerxes Longimanus and his 
successors. Historical grounds throughout seem to favor this. For 
Himai, West suggests Parysatis as a possibility. The last two 
Dardis answer to Ochus and Codomannus, and the reign of Kai- 
Vishtasp ‘seems intended to cover the period from Cyrus to Xerxes’ 
(West).2 There seems every reason to identify Vohiman Ardashir 
Dirazdast with Artaxerxes Longimanus, according to the Bahman 
Yasht (Byt. 2. 17), as this Kayanian king ‘makes the religion 
current in the whole world.’* One might be possibly tempted to 
regard the Vishtasp reign as representing the Bactrian rule until 
Artaxerxes, and assume that Zoroastrianism then became the faith 

of Persis.2 This might account for the silence as to 
[= orig. p.9] the early Achaemenians and shed some light on the 

problem concerning the Achaemenians as Zoroastrians ; 
but there seems to be no historic foundation for such assumption. 
Suffice here to have presented the tradition in regard to the reigns 
of the Kayanian kings as bearing on Zoroaster’s date and the tradi- 
tional 258 years before Alexander as the era of ‘the coming of the 

1 See genealogical tables of the Achaemenidae in Stokvis, Manuel d’ His- 
totre, de Généalogie, et de Chronologie, p. 108 (Leide, 1888) ; Pauly, Real- 
Encyclopedie, article ‘ Achaemenidae’ ; Justi, Geschichte des alten Persiens, 
p. 15 ; Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 398-399 ; and Smith, Classical Dictionary, 
article ‘ Hystaspes.’ 

2 West, Bundahish translated, SBE. v. 150 n., 198 n. 

3 De Harlez, Avesta tradwit, Introduction p. ccxxviii, thinks that the early 
Achaemenians were intentionally sacrificed. Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 203, 


identifies the first Darai with Darius I., and believes that he was misplaced 
in the kingly list. This I doubt. 

4 West, Byt. transl., SBE. v. 199. [See also above, pp. 81-82. Consult 
J. H. Moulton in The Thinker, ii. 498-501.] 

5 Dubeux, La Perse, p. 57, sharply separates the Oriental account of the 
Persian kings from the historical account. 

(c) The sum of 258 years is given also by so careful an inves- 
tigator as Albiriini (4.p. 973-1048). His statements are based on 
the authority of ‘the scholars of the Persians, the Hérbadhs and 
Maubadhs of the Zoroastrians.’! In his Chronology of Ancient Nations, 
p. 17, 1. 17 (transl. Sachau), is found a statement of the Persian view 
in regard to Zoroaster’s date: ‘from his (#.e. Zoroaster’s) appearance 
till the beginning of the Aira Alexandri,? they count 258 years.’ 
Several times he gives the received tradition that Zoroaster appeared 
in the 30th year of the reign of Vishtasp. In another place, Chron. 
p. 196 (transl. Sachau), he gives further information in regard to 
Zoroaster’s time: ‘On the Ist Ramadan a.u. 319 came forward Ibn 
’Abi-Zakarriya. ... If, now, this be the time (¢e. a.m. 319 = aD. 
931) which Jamasp and Zaradusht meant, they are right as far as 
chronology is concerned. For this happened at the end of the Aira 
Alexandri 1242, i.e. 1500 years after Zaradusht.’ From this state- 
ment we may compute back to the year B.c. 569 as a date when a 
prophecy is supposed to have been made by Zoroaster and Jamasp. 
Albirini is not exhausted yet. In Chron. 121 (transl. Sachau), he 
says, ‘we find the interval between Zoroaster and Yazdajird ben 
Shaptr to be nearly 970 years.’ This gives the date about B.c. 571 
if we count Yazdajird’s reign as a.p. 399-420. Furthermore the 
carefully constructed tables which Albirini gives from various sources 
are interesting and instructive, owing to their exact agreement with 
the reigns of the Kayanian kings as recorded in the Btndahishn. 
Thus, Chron. p. 112, 107-114 (transl. Sachau) : — 

Kai Vishtasp till the appearance of Zoroaster. . . . . 30 
The same after thatevent. . . ......... 90 
Kai Ardashir Bahman (Vohiman) ....... . 12 
Khumini (Himai) . .. 1... ee eee ee se 80 
Dardis an) ees Shs we ee GO EL re a aie NZ 
Dara ben Diva. . . ww ee ee ee we ee ee Cd 

On p. 115 he contrasts these dates with those given by [= orig. p. 10] 

early occidental authorities. Finally, Chron. p. 32 

(transl. Sachau), the name of Thales is brought into connection with 


Zoroaster, cf. p. 169, n. 3 below. So much for the information fur- 
nished by Albirini. 

1 Albiriini, Chronology of Ancient Nations, transl.and ed. by Sachau, p. 109. 

2 According to Albirini, p. 32 (transl. Sachau) the Ara Alexandri would 
date from the time when Alexander left Greece at the age of twenty-six 
years, preparing to fight with Darius. 

(4) Of somewhat earlier date but identical in purport is the state- 
ment found in Masidi’s Meadows of Gold, written in a.p. 943-944 (Ma- 
sidi died a.p. 957). Like the Bindahishn and like Albirini, Mastidi 
reports that ‘the Magians count a period of two hundred and fifty- 
eight (258) years between their prophet Zoroaster and Alexander.’? 
He reiterates this assertion in IJndicatio et Admonitio? by saying 
‘between Zoroaster and Alexander there are about three hundred 
years.’ Nearly the same, but not exactly identical figures, are found 
as in the Bindahishn, regarding the length of the reigns of the various 
Kayanian kings; Zoroaster is stated, as elsewhere, to have appeared 
in the thirtieth (30) year of Vishtasp’s reign and he dies at the age 
of seventy-seven (77) after having taught for thirty-five (35) years. 
The statement that Zoroaster lived to the age of 77 years is also 
found elsewhere.* What Masidi has to say on the subject of Nebu- 
chadnezzar’s being alieutenant of Lohrasp (Aurvat-aspa) and regard- 
ing Cyrus as contemporary with Bahman will be mentioned below, 
as a similar statement occurs in the Dinkart (Bk. 5). [West, SBE. 
xlvii. 120.] 

1 Masiidi (Macoudi), Les Prairies d’Or, Texte et traduction par Barbier 
de Meynard, iv. 107 ‘Les Mages comptent entre leur prophéte Zoroastre, 
fils d’Espiman, et Alexandre, une période de deux cent cinquante-huit ans. 
Entre Alexandre, qu’ils font régner six ans, et ’avénement d’Ardéchir, cing 
cent dix-sept ans ; enfin entre Ardéchir et l’hégire cing cent soixante-quatre 
ans... durdgne d’ Alexandre & la naissance du Messie, trois cent soixante- 
neuf ans; de la naissance du Messie & celle du Prophéte cing cent vingt 
et un ans.’ Observe especially that Masiidi in Indicatio et Admonitio, 
(p. 827-328) accounts for the intentional shortening of the period between 
Alexander and Ardashir. What he has to say on this subject is worth 
looking up in connection with SBE. v. 151 n. 

2 Masiidi, Le Livre de I’ Indication et de lV Admonition (in Prairies d’ Or, 
ix. p. 327), ‘ Zoroastre fils de Poroschasp fils d’Asinman, dans |’ Avesta, qui 
est le livre qui lui a été révélé, annonce que, dans trois cents ans, l’empire 
des Perses éprouvera une grande révolution, sans que la religion soit détruite ; 
mais qu’au bout de mille ans, l’empire et la religion périront en méme 
temps. Or entre Zoroastre et Alexandre il y a environ trois cents ans; car 


Zoroastre a paru du temps de Caibistasp, fils de Cailohrasp, comme nous 
l’avons dit ci-devant.’ See Masitdi, Kitab al-Tanbih, p. 90 seq., ed. de 
Goeje, Leyden, 1894. Compare also Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 35 
(in Drisler Classical Studies, New York, 1894); [and Le Livre de Uv’ Avertisse- 
ment, traduction par B. C. de Vaux (Société Asiatique), p. 140, Paris, 1896]. 

8 Masiidi, Prairies d’ Or, ii. p. 128, ed. Barbier de Meynard. ‘ Youstasf 
(Gustasp) régna aprés son pére (Lohrasp) et résida & Balkh. II était sur le 
tréne depuis trente ans, lorsque Zeradecht, fils d’Espiman 
se présenta devant lui... (p. 127). Youstasfrégnacent [= orig. p. 11] 
vingt ans avant d’adopter la religion des Mages, puis il 
mourut. La prédication de Zeradecht dura trente-cing ans, et il mourut 
agé de soixante et dix-sept ans.’ The detailed reigns (Masiidi, op. cit. ii. 
126-129) are Vishtasp 120 years, Bahman 112, Htimai 30 (or more), Dara 
12, Dara son of Dara 30, Alexander 6 (cf. vol. iv. p. 107 ‘ Alexandre, qu’ils 
font régner six ans’). The latter would answer pretty nearly to the com- 
monly received years of Alexander in Persia, b.c. 380-323, Observe that 
the years of the last three reigns vary somewhat from the Bindahishn. 
Deducting from Vishtasp’s reign the 30 years till Zoroaster appeared and 
counting simply to the coming of Alexander, the resulting 274 years would 
place Zoroaster’s appearance at z.c. 604 or, if 42 years old at the time, his 
birth at B.c. 646. [See now West’s correction which gives B.c. 660.] But 
notice that instead of 274 years as here, Masiidi elsewhere says (Prairies 
a’ Or, iv. 106, quoted above) there were 258 years between Zoroaster and 

+E.g. Dinkart Bk. 7. 5.1 (communication from West) and in the Rivayats. 

(e) The period at which the Arabic chronicler Tabari (died a.p. 
923)! places Zoroaster in his record of Persian reigns, is practically 
identical with the preceding in its results, although he occasionally 
differs in the length of the individual reigns, e.g. Bahman 80 years 
(although he mentions that others say 112 years), Htiimai about 20 
years, Dara 23 years. He tells also of a tradition that makes of 
Zoroaster one of the disciples of Jeremiah. The latter, according 
to the generally accepted view, began to prophesy about B.c. 626. 
These points will be spoken of again below. 

1See Zotenberg, Chronique de Tabari, traduite sur la version persane 
a@ Abou-Ali Mo'‘hammed Bel'ami, tome i. 491-508, Paris, 1867. 

(f) The Dabistan (translated by Shea and Troyer, i. 306-309) nar- 
rates that the holy cypress which Zoroaster had planted at Kishmar 
in Khorassan [I formerly wrongly read Kashmir] and which was 
cut down by the order of Mutawakkal, tenth khalif of the Abbas- 
sides (reigned a.p. 846-860), had stood ‘fourteen hundred and fifty 
years (1450) from the time of its being planted, to the year 232 of 


the Hejirah (a.p. 846).’? If these years be reckoned as solar years, 
according to the custom of the ancient Persians, and counted from 
the beginning of Mutawakkal’s reign, the date of the planting of 
the cypress would be s.c. 604; but if reckoned according to the 
lunar calendar of the Mohammedans (i.e. equivalent to 1408 solar 
years), the epoch would be z.c. 562.1. The former date (n.c. 604) 
recalls the reckoning of Mastidi alluded to above, on p. 10 [= p. 162}. 
The event of the planting must have been an occasion of special 
moment; from a reference to the same in Firdausi (translation by 
Mohl, iv. 291-293, Paris, 1877), the conversion of Vishtaspa is per- 
haps alluded to. If the conversion of Vishtaéspa really be alluded 
to, 42 years must be added to give the approximate date of Zoro- 
aster’s birth. Perhaps, however, some other event in the prophet’s 
life is commemorated.? In any case the results lead us to the latter 
part of the seventh century B.c. and the first part of the sixth century. 
[See now above, p. 80.] 

1See the calculation [of Anquetil du Perron, in Kleuker, Anh. zum ZA. 
i. Thl. 1. pp. 346-347, and] of Shea and Troyer, Dabistan, 
(=orig. p.12] translated, i. 808, n., Paris, 1843 and Mirkhond’s History of 
the Early Kings of Persia, transl. Shea, p. 281-282, London, 
1882. According to E. Réth, ‘Zoroastrische Glaubenslehre’ in Geschichte 
unserer abendliindischen Philosophie, i. 850, the era of the cypress is B.c. 
560. This is adopted by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 15, 18 (Leipzig, 
1881). [On Kishmar consult also Vullers, Fragmente, p. 113]. 
2 In case the 1450 years be reckoned back from the date of Mutawakkal’s 
death (a.p. 860) instead of from the beginning of his power, the numbers 
would be respectively n.c. 590 (if solar), or B.c. 548 (if lunar). 

(g) The figures of the chapter-headings in the Shah Namah of Fir- 
dausi (A.D. 940-1020) likewise place the opening of Vishtaspa’s 
reign at about three hundred years before Alexander’s death. 

1 Firdusii Schahname, ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. p. 1495 seq. See also 
Shea and Troyer’s Dabistén, Introd. i. p. lxxxvi and p. 380. Consult the 
chapter-headings of the reigns in Mohl’s translation of Firdausi, vols. iv.-v. 
Observe that Bahman is assigned only 99 years instead of the usual 112; 
the duration of Vishtaspa’s reign is given in Mohl, vol. iv. 587, ‘cent vingt 
ans’ in harmony with the usual tradition, 

(h) The Persian historical work, Mujmal al-Tawarikh (a.. 520 
= A.D. 1126),* following the authority of the Chronicle of the Kings 
of Persia, brought from Farsistan by Bahram, son of Merdanshah, 


Mobed of Shapur, enumerates 258 years before Alexander? The 
Ulama-i Islam counts three hundred.’ 

1 See Extraits du Modjmel al-Tewarikh, relatifs & Vhistoire de la Perse, 
traduits du persan, par Jules Mohil (Journal Asiatique, tome xi. pp. 136, 
258, 320, Paris, 1841). 

2Cf. op. cit. p. 230. The author acknowledges indebtedness also to 
Hamzah of Isfahan, Tabari, and Firdausi. His chronology may be deduced 
from pp. 330-339 of the work cited; it runs, Lohrasp 120 years, Gushtasp 
120 years, Bahman 112, Hiimai 30, Darab 12 [or 14], Dara son of Darab 14 
[or 16], Alexander 14 [or 28]. Observe the alternative figures in the case 
of the last three numbers. 

According to Réth, Geschichte unserer abendlindischen Philosophie, i. 
351, the author of the Mujmal al-Tawarikh places Zoroaster 1700 years 
before his own time ; on this ground Roth places the death of Zoroaster at 
B.c. 522, and is followed by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p.18. Ci. Kleuker’s 
Zend-Avesta, Anh. Ba. i. Theil 1, p. 347. 

8 See Vullers, Fragmente tiber Zoroaster, p. 58. 

(i) Interesting is the fact noticed by Anquetil du Perron,} that a 
certain religious sect that immigrated into China a.p. 600 is evi- 
dently of Zoroastrian origin and that these believers have an era 
which dates approximately from s.c. 559; this date Anquetil 
regards as referring to the time when Zoroaster left his home and 
entered upon his mission—a sort of Iranian Hejirah. 

1 See Anquetil du Perron quoted by Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, 
Bd. i. Thi. 1, pp. 349-351 ; cited also by Shea, Wirkhond’s History, p. 282, 
and by Roth in Geschichte abendlind. Philosophie, i. 353 and note 566, and 
followed by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18. 

(j) Similar in effect as far as concerns the period at which they 
place the prophet, although of doubtful value or other- 
wise to be explained, are those Syriac and Arabic [= orig. p. 13] 
reports which connect the name of Zoroaster with Jer- 
emiah and which make him the latter’s pupil or even identify him 
with Baruch the scribe of Jeremiah.! Presumably this association 
is due to confusing the Arabic form of the name Jeremiah Armiah 
with Zoroaster’s supposed native place Urmiah (Urumiyah).? 

1(a) The Syro-Arabic Lexicon of Bar Bahlil (about a.p. 963) s.v. 
Kasoma (divinator) : ‘ Divinator, like Zardosht, who people say is Baruch 
the Scribe; and because the gift of prophecy was not accorded to him he 
went astray, journeyed to [other] nations and learned twelve tongues.’ Cf. 
Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 3704. 


(8) Also Bishop ‘Ishodad of Hadatha (about a.p. 852), commentary on 
Matth. ii. 1, ‘Some say that he (Zoroaster) is the same as Baruch the pupil 
of Eramya (Jeremiah), and that because the gift of prophecy was denied 
him as [had been] his wish, and because of that bitter exile and the sack 
of Jerusalem and the Temple, he became offended (or angry) and went 
away among other nations, learned twelve languages, and in them wrote 
that vomit of Satan, i.e. the book which is called Abhasta.’ Cf. Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, p. 29. 

(y) Identically, Solomon of Hilat (born about a.p. 1222), Book of the 
Bee, ‘ this Zaradosht is Baruch the scribe,’ p. 81 seq., ed. Budge (Anecdota 
Oxoniensia), also E. Kuhn, Hine zoroastrische Prophezeiung in christlichem 
Gewande (Festgruss an R. von Roth, Stuttgart, 1893, p. 219). Consult 
especially Gottheil, References to Zoroaster (Drisler Classical Studies, New 
York, 1894). 

(8) Tabari (died a.p. 923) likewise notices the association of Zoroaster 
with Jeremiah. According to him ‘ Zoroaster was of Palestinian origin, a 
servant to one of the disciples of Jeremiah the prophet, with whom he was 
a favorite. But he proved treacherous and false to him. Wherefore God 
cursed him, and he became leprous. He wandered to Adarbaijin, and 
preached there the Magian religion. From there he went to Bishtasp 
(Vishtaspa), who was in Balkh. Now when he (Zoroaster) had come 
before him, and preached his doctrine to him, it caused him to marvel, and 
he compelled his people to accept it, and put many people to death on its 
account. Then they followed it (the religion). Bishtasp reigned one hun- 
dred and twelve (112) years.’ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 37. 
See also Chronique de Tabari traduite par H. Zotenberg, i. p.499. [In 
the story of the leprosy can there be some reminiscence of Elisha’s servant 
Gehazi, who was cursed with leprosy for falsehood after the cleansing of 
Naaman? See II. Kings, v. 1-27 and compare sara‘ath, p. 80 above, and 
Hyde, p. 314.] 

(e) The same general statements of Tabari are repeated by Ibn al-Athir 
(18th century) in his Kitab al-Kamil fi al-td@arikh. See Gottheil, Refer- 
ences to Zoroaster, p. 39. 

(¢) Once the Syrian Gregorius Bar ‘Ebhraya Abulfaraj (c. a.p. 1250) 
calls Zoroaster a disciple of Elijah (mistake for Jeremiah ?), see Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, p. 82. 

(m) Similarly the Arab historian Abu Mohammed Mustapha calls Zoroaster 
a disciple of Ezir (Ezra), see Hyde, Hist. Relig. veterum Persarum, p. 818. 

2 So suggested by de Sacy, Notices et Evtraits des Manuscrits de la Bibl. 
du Roi, ii. 319, see Gottheil, References to Zoroaster (Drisler Classical 
Studies, p. 80 n.). [Anquetil du Perron’s view was, that this is owing to 
an unwillingness to attribute to the Persians a prophet of their own, with- 
out Semitic influence ; see his paragraph in Kleuker, Anh. zum ZA. i. Thl. 
1, p. 841. This is no doubt also true. See likewise p. 30 above. ] 

(k) Pointing to a similar era are the Pahlavi (Dinkart Bk. 5. and 
Mkh.) and Perso-Arabic allusions to Nebuchadnezzar as lieutenant 


of Vishtaésp’s predecessor, Lohrasp, and of Vishtasp himself as well 
as of his successor Bahman (Vohiman). [See also above, p. 91, n. 2.] 

In the same connection Cyrus’s name is joined with Vishtasp and 

1 (a) According to Tabari (10th century a.p.) and Masiidi, [= orig. p. 14] 
Nebuchadnezzar was lieutenant successively under Lohrasp, 
Vishtasp, and Bahman ; the tradition regarding Lohrasp’s taking of Jerusa- 
lem is found in the Pahlavi Dinkart Bk. 5 and Maindg-i Khirat 27. 66-67, 
transl. West, SBE. xxiv. 65. Tabari (or rather the Persian version of the 
latter by Bel’ami) gives two different versions of the story (see Chronique 
de Tabari, traduite sur la version persane de Belami par H. Zotenberg, 
vol. i. pp. 491-507, Paris, 1867), and (Tabari op. cit. p. 503) the return of 
the Jews to Jerusalem is placed in the 70th year of Bahman. Signs of con- 
fusion are evident. So also in Mirkhond (15th century a.p.) who in his 
history repeats Tabari’s statement with reference to Nebuchadnezzar and 
Lohrasp, and makes Cyrus a son of Lohrasp although he is placed in the 
reign of Bahman. He regards Bahman (Vohiman) as a contemporary of 
Hippocrates (B.c. 460-357) and Zenocrates (z.c. 896-314) which would har- 
monize properly with the traditional dates above given (pp. 8-9 = pp. 159- 
160) for Bahman’s reign. See Shea, Mirkhond’s History, pp, 264, 291, 343). 
(8) Masitdi is worth consulting on the same point, especially in respect 
to certain presumed relations between the Persians and the Jews. See 
Barbier de Meynard, Macoudi Les Prairies @ Or, ii. 119-128. 

(1) At this point may be mentioned two other allusions that place 
Zoroaster’s activity in the sixth century before the Christian era, 
although the former of these rests upon the identification of the 
prophet’s patron Vishtaspa with Hystaspes the father of Darius. 
The first of these allusions, that given by Ammianus Marcellinus 
(5th century a.p.),! directly calls Vishtéspa (Hystaspes) the father 
of Darius, although Agathias (6th century A.p.)’ expresses uncertainty 
on this point. The second allusion is found in Eutychius, the 
Alexandrine Patriarch, who makes Zoroaster a contemporary of 
Cambyses and the Magian Smerdis,’ a view which is shared by the 
Syrian Gregorius Bar ‘Ebhraya Abulfaraj (c. 4.p. 1250)* [and by the 
Arab chronologist al-Makin *]. 

1 Ammian. Marcell. 23. 6. 32, Magiam opinionum insignium auctor amplis- 
simus Plato, Machagistiam esse verbo mystico docet, divinorum incorruptissi- 
mum cultum, cuius scientiae saeculis priscts multa ex Chaldaeorum arcanis 
Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, deinde Hystaspes rex prudentissimus, Darti 
pater. The general opinion is that ‘saeculis priscis’ is allowable in consid- 
eration of the thousand years that separated Zoroaster and Ammianus, 


and assuming that Ammianus understood Zoroaster and Hystaspes to be 
contemporaries, cf. Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, Bd. i. Thi. 1, p. 334. 

2 Agathias 2. 24, Zwpodorpov Tod "Opudadews . . . ovtos 5& 6 Zwpoddos, Hror 
Zapdins — dirth yap én’ abt@ i emwvupla— danvixa wey Hemace thy apxhv, xa) rods 
véuous ero, obk eveori capes Siayvavar. TWepoa 6 abrdy of viv ém ‘Yordomew, 
obtw 4 Th awAGS pact yeyovevat, ds Alay aupryvoeiobat, Kal odk elvat pabeiv, 
wérepov Aapelov marhp etre kal BAAos obTos irfpxev “Lordorns. [See Appendix 
V. § 35.) 

8 Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales. Tlustr. Selden, interpr. E. 
Pocock. Oxon. 1658, pp. 262-263, Mortuo Cyro Dario Babelis rege, post 
ipsum imperavit filius ipsius Kambysus annos novem: post quem Samardius 
Magus annum unum. Hic, Magus cognominatus est quod ipsius tempore 
Jloruerit Persa quidam Zaradasht (crwol ap quit Magorum religionem 
condidit aedibus igni dedicatus. Post ipsum regnavit Dara primus, annos 
vigintt. Post illum Artachshast Longimanus cognominatus annos viginti 
quattuor. On this authority Floigl, following Roth, wishes to assign the 
year of Zoroaster’s death to B.c. 522, cf. Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18, and 
Roth, Geschichte uns. abendlind. Philosophie i. 353. 

4 Bar ‘Ebhraya, Arabic Chronicon, p. 83, ed. Salhani, Beirut, 1890 (cited 
by Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 32). ‘In those days (of Cambyses) 
came Zaradosht chief of the Magian sect, by birth of Adarbaijan, or, as 
some say, of Athor (Assyria). It is reported that he was one of Elijah’s (!) 
disciples, and he informed the Persians of the sign of the birth of Christ.’ 

[5 See Hyde Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. pp. 528-529. ] 

(m) Finally two other allusions are here added for the sake of 
completeness, as they have been interpreted as pointing to the fact 
that Zoroaster lived about the sixth century s.c. There seems to be 
nothing in them, however, to compel us to believe that Zoroaster is 
regarded as living only a short time before the events to which they 
allude. ‘The first is a passage in Nicolaus Damascenus (1st century 
B.c.), who represents that when Cyrus was about to burn the unfort- 
unate Croesus, his attention was called to Zwpodorpov Adyia, which 
forbade that fire should be defiled! The second item of information 
is found in such references as represent Pythagoras as following 
Zoroaster’s doctrines.? Lastly, the association of Zoroaster’s name 
with that of Thales, by Albiriini, has been noted above.’ 

1 Nicolaus Damascenus Fragm. 65, Miiller Fragm. Hist. Gr. iii. 409 defuara 
Saimdvia evémmre, wad of Te THS SiBUAANS Xpnopol Td Te Zwpodorpov Adyia clover. 
Kpotooy peév ody eBdwy ert waAdoy 2 Tada ow ew. . . . Tdv ye why Zwpodorpny 
Thépoat am’ éxelvov dietrav, wre vexpos xalew, wht’ BAAws puialve ip, Kal 
mddat ToUTO KaberTas Td vdurpov TéTe BeBatwoduevor. (Latin version) Persas 

. religio ac metus diviim incessit: Sibyllae quoque vaticinia ac Zoroa- 
stris oracula in mentem ventebant. Itaque clamitabant, multo, quam antea, 


contentius, ut Croesus servaretur. ... At Persae exinde sanxerunt juxta 
praecepta Zoroastris, ne cadavera cremare neque ignem contaminare post- 
hac liceret, quod quum apud eos ex veteri instituto obtinuisset, tum magis 
confirmaverunt. Cf. de Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. pp. xliv, Ixvii. 

? The principal references are to be found in Windischmann, Zoroastrische 
Studien, pp. 260-264, 274, from whose work they are taken. Several of these 
allusions mention Zoroaster’s name directly ; in others we may infer it, since 
Pythagoras is made a student of the Magi, whom classical antiquity regards 
as the exponents of Zoroaster’s teaching. Such allusions are: (a) Cicero, 
de Fin. 5. 29, ipse Pythagoras et Aegyptum lustravit et Persarum Magos 
adiit ; (8) Valerius Maximus 8. 7 extern. 2, inde ad Persas profectus Mago- 
rum exactissimae prudentiae se formandum tradidit ; (y) Pliny, N. H. 30. 2. 1, 
Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus, Plato ad hance (magicen) discendam 
navigavere ; (6) Porphyrius, Vita Pythag. 41, ére) nal rod Oe0d, &s mapa ray 
Mdywv énuvOdvero, dv ‘Qpoud (ny wadrotow exetvor; and Vita Pythag. 12, év re 
BafBvaAGui Tots 7’ BAAoIS XarSalos cuveyéveTo kal mpds ZdBpatov [Zdparov, 
Nauck] (Zoroaster?) apixero; (€) Plutarch, de animae procr. in Timaeo 
2. 2, Zapdras 6 MvOaydpov diddonados; (¢) Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, 
1, p. 357 (ed. Potter) Zwpoderpny 5¢ tov Mayor roy Téparny 6 Mudaydpas éChawoev 
(MS. edjawoer), cf. Cyrillus, adv. Jul. 3, p. 87, where Pythagoras is called 
mavdpiotos (naAwrys of Zoroaster; () Suidas s.v. Pythagoras, Mvéaydpas° 
otros Hxovce—Zdpyntos Tod pdyou (is it Zoroaster ?); (6) Apuleius Florid. 
p. 19 (ed. Altib.) sunt qui Pythagoram aiunt eo temporis inter captivos 
Cambysae regis Aegyptum cum adveheretur, doctores habuisse Persarum 
magos ac praecipue Zoroastrem omnis divini arcani antistitem; («) in 
Lucian’s Dialogue Menippus, § 6, p. 463, the Babylonian Magi are the pupils 
and successors of Zoroaster wot . . . €d0fe és BaBvAdva eAOdvra SenOival Tivos 
Tay Maywv rev Zwpodortpov pabnTav Kal diaddxwv. Also some others. 

[2 See p. 161 above. The particular passage is one in which Albirini dis- 
cusses the various possibilities as to the date of Thales. He adds that ‘if 
he (i.e. Thales) lived at the time of Kai Kubadh, he stands near to Zoro- 
aster, who belonged to the sect of the Harranians’ (Chron. p. 32, 1. 15, 
transl, Sachau).] 

B. Discussion oF THE Data. 

The material above collected presents most of the [=orig. p. 16] 
external evidence that we have in regard to the age at 
which Zoroaster lived. We are now prepared for a more compre- 
hensive view of the subject, for a discussion of the data in hand, 
for a presentation of certain internal evidences that need to be 
brought out, and for arguments and possible deductions. Several 
points immediately suggest themselves for comment. 

First, in discussing the classical allusions above presented, one is 
justified from the connection in assuming that such allusions as are 


made to the name of Zoroaster as a religious teacher or sage, all 
refer to the one great prophet of ancient Iran. No account, I think, 
need therefore be taken of such views as assume the existence of two 
or of several Zoroasters, belonging to different periods in the world’s 
history. Such a view was held by Suidas (s.v. Zoroastres) and was 
evidently earlier shared by Pliny;' it met with acceptance also 
among some of the old-fashioned writers in more recent times ;* but 
there is no real evidence in its favor, and it is due to an attempt to 
adjust the discrepancy existing in classical statements with regard 
to Zoroaster’s date. History knows of but one Zoroaster. 

1Pliny N. H. 80.2. 1. sine dubio illic orta (ars Magica) in Perside a 
Zoroastre, ut inter auctores convenit. Sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius, 
non satis constat. He adds a little later (30. 2. 8) diligentiores paulo ante 
hune (i.e. Osthanem) Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium. 

2B.g. Kleuker (quoting the Abbé Foucher), Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, 
Bd. i. Thi. 2, p. 68-81. 

Second, among the three dates which may be deduced from the 
material above collected and which are summarized on p. 2 [= p. 152], 
we are justified upon reasonable grounds, I think, in rejecting the 
excessively early date of s.c. 6000 or thereabouts. The explanation 
above offered to account for the extravagant figures seems satis- 
factory enough. 

Third, such dates as might be arrived at from the sporadic allusions 
that associate the name of Zoroaster with Semiramis and Ninus, 
with Nimrod and Abraham, or with Baal, Bel, Balaam, as above dis- 
cussed, have little if any real foundation. In each instance there 
seem to me to be reasonable grounds for discarding them. 

There remains finally a comparatively large body of material that 
would point to the fact that Zoroaster flourished between the latter 
part of the seventh century and the middle of the sixth century 
before the Christian era. The material when sifted reduces itself: 
first, to the direct tradition found in two Pahlavi books, Bandahishn 
and Arta Viraf, which places Zoroaster’s era three hundred years, 
or more exactly 258 years, before Alexander’s day; second, to the 

Arabic allusions which give the same date in their 
([=orig. p.17] chronological computations and which in part lay 

claim to being founded upon the chronology of the 
Persians themselves; third, to similar allusions elsewhere which 
place Zoroaster at about this period. 


1Compare Albiriini, Chronology of Ancient Nations, p. 109, 112 (transl. 
Sachau) ; and the Modjmel al-Tewarikh, p. 142, 320, 330 (traduit Mohl, 
Journal Asiatique, xi. 1841), stating that the account is based on the 
Chronicle of Mobed Bahram. 

Certain objections may be raised to a view based upon this mate- 
rial last given. 

First among these objections is a claim often urged, that the tra- 
ditional date rests upon an erroneous identification of Vishtaspa 
with Hystaspes the father of Darius. JI cannot see, from the allu- 
sions or elsewhere, that the Persians made any such identification; 
the impression gained from the material presented is rather in fact 
to the contrary; one may recall, for example, how widely different 
the ancestry of Vishtaspa is from the generally received descent of 
Hystaspes the father of Darius (a point which Floigl and Roth 
seem to have overlooked). It was only the classical writer Ammi- 
anus Marcellinus who, in antiquity, made any such identification. 
The point has already been sufficiently dealt with above, p. 14 
[= p. 167, and West now also treats it in like manner — SBE. xlvii. 
Introd. § 70]. 

A second objection may be brought on the plea that the tradi- 
tional date (7th to middle of 6th century B.c.) would not allow of 
the lapse of sufficient time to account for the difference in language 
between the Gathas and the Old Persian inscriptions and for certain 
apparent developments in the faith. Furthermore, that a longer 
period of time must be allowed to account for the difference 
between the fixed title Auramazda, ‘Qpoudodys, current in western 
Persia in Achaemenian times, and the divided form of the divine 
name Ahura Mazda (or Ahura alone and Mazda alone) as found in 
the Avesta, especially in the Zoroastrian Gathas. This point has 
been noticed in the interesting and instructive paper of Professor 
Tiele, Over de Oudheid van het Avesta, p. 16,1 who comes to the 
result that Zoroastrianism must have existed as early as the first 
half of the 7th century B.c.2 If we accept, as I believe we should, 
the theses that Vishtaspa ruled in eastern Iran, and that, although 
Zoroaster was a native of Adarbaijan, the chief scene of his religious 
activity was eastern Iran,* and that the faith spread from Bactria 
westwards,’ I cannot see that these arguments militate against the 
traditional date under discussion. Dialectic differences between the 
Bactrian region and Persia Proper would sufficiently account for 
arguments based on language alone. This, added to national and 


individual differences, might well account for the fixed form of the 
name Auramazda among the Achaemenians as contrasted with the 
Avestan form. Who can say how rapidly the creed spread from 
the east to the west and what changes consequently in a short time 
may have resulted? New converts in their zeal are often more rad- 

ical in progressive changes than first reformers. Per- 
[=orig. p.18] sis, with its original difference in dialect, may in 

short time have developed the single title Auramazda 
from Ahura Mazda as watchword of church and state. See also 
note, p. 20, top [= p. 174]. 

1 Reprinted from the Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Weten- 
schappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 3de Reeks, Deel xi. 364-385. 

2 Tiele’s little work argues admirably for the antiquity of the Avesta as 
opposed to Darmesteter’s views for the lateness of the Gathads. I wish I 
could be convinced by Professor Tiele (p. 19) that the names of the Median 
kings, Phraortes (fravasi), Kyaxares (uvaxsatara), Deiokes (*dahyuka) as 
well as Eparna, Sitiparna of the early Esarhaddon inscription (explained as 
containing hvaranah, ‘ glory’), are due to concepts originated by Zoroaster 
and are not merely marks of beliefs which Zoroastrianism inherited directly 
from existing Magism. The name of Darius’s contemporary Khsathrita 
(Bh. 2. 15; 4. 19, Bh. e. 6) is not so important for the argument. I con- 
fess I should like to place Zoroaster as early as the beginning of the 7th 
century. The earlier, the better. [On Phraortes viewed as a Zoroastrian, 
compare more recently, Justi, in Preuss. Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, p. 258; 
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. p. 411.] 

3 On eastern Iran, cf. Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur (Erlangen, 1882) and 
English translation of same, Darab D. P. Sanjana, Eastern Iranians 
(London, 1885-1886). 

4 See Jackson, Zoroaster’s Native Place, JAOS. xv. 230 seq. So in spite 
of Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 198 seq. 

A final objection may be raised as to the real historic worth and 
chronological value of the Persian tradition which places Zoroaster 
three centuries before Alexander. This it must frankly be said is 
the real point of the question. Is there a possibility of Arabic 
influence at work upon the statements of the Bandahishn and Arta 
Viraf [and Zat-sparam]? Is the whole chronology of the Bunda- 
hishn and that of the Persians artificial?! And did the Zoroas- 
trians intentionally tamper with history and bring Zoroaster down 
as late as possible in order that the millennial period might not be 
regarded as having elapsed without the appearance of a Saoshyant, 
or Messiah ? 


1 Spiegel, Hranische Alterthumskunde, i. 506, with Windischmann, regards 
the data of the Bindahishn as ‘unzuverlassig,’ but it must be remembered 
that his figures, ‘178’ years for the period between Zoroaster and Alexan- 
der, now require correction to 258, which alters the condition of affairs. 
See West, SBE. v. 150-151, and Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 203. Compare 
especially de Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. p. ccxxviii. 

These questions require serious consideration in detail. The 
introduction to the chronological chapter of the Bandahishn (Bd. 34) 
does indeed read, according to one MS., ‘on the reckoning of the 
years of the Arabs’ (see Bandahishn translated by West, SBE. v. 
149), but the word Tazhikan ‘of the Arabs’ is not found in the other 
manuscripts. Moreover, the scientific investigator Albirani, and 
also the Mujmal al-Tawarikh, whose data agree exactly with the 
Bundahishn, affirm that the dates given for the Kayanian kings are 
obtained from the records of the Persians themselves.! 

There seems no reason, therefore, to doubt that the  [=orig. p. 19] 
Bindahishn really represents the Persian chronology. 

But what the value of that chronology may be, is another matter. 
Personally I think it has real value so far as giving the approxi- 
mate period of three centuries before Alexander as Zoroaster’s era. 
Every student of the classics knows the part that chronology plays 
with reference to the Magi; every reader of the Avesta is familiar 
with ‘the time of long duration;’ every one who has looked into 
the scholarly work of Albirini will have more respect for Persian 
chronology. Errors indeed there may be; attention has been called 
above to the lack of agreement between the years assigned by tradi- 
tion to the reigns of the Zoroastrian Kayanian monarchs and the 
generally accepted dates of the reigns of Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes}; 
to the dynasty of these three kings there corresponds only the long 
rule of Vishtaspa (120 years) and a part of that of Bahman Ardashir 
Dirazdast, some of whose reign answers to that of Artaxerxes Longi- 
manus. As above said, it is difficult to identify the Kayanians 
of the tradition with the early Achaemenians of Greek history, but 
this need not nullify the real value of the traditional ‘three centu- 
ries before Alexander.’ What Masiidi (c. a.p. 943) in his Indicatio 
et Admonitio can add on this subject is full of interest. Little atten- 
tion seems thus far to have been drawn to this important passage 
and to the explanation which it contains.? Masiidi is fully aware of 
the difference that exists between the Persian and the generally 
accepted chronology and he shows how it was brought about by 


Ardashir’s purposely shortening the period between Alexander and 
himself by causing about half the number of years to be dropped 
from the chronological lists, but the 300 years of Zoroaster before 
Alexander were allowed to remain untouched, for the old prophecy 
regarding the time of Alexander’s appearance had been fulfilled. 
The passage in Barbier de Meynard is well worth consulting.’ 

1 See note above, p. 8 [= p. 160]. 

2 Cf. Barbier de Meynard in Le Livre de UV Indication et de lV Admonition, 
(Macoudi, Prairies d'Or, ix. 8327-328). [See also the translation by Vaux, 
Macoudt, Le Livre de V Avertissement, p. 186 ; Paris, 1896. ] 

3 See preceding note. I have since found the passage given by Spiegel in 
Eran. Alterthumskunde, iii. 198 ; compare also Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 202. 

C. REsuuts. 

To draw conclusions, — although open to certain objections, still, 
in the absence of any more reliable data or until the discovery of 
some new source of information to overthrow or to substantiate the 
view, there seems but one decision to make in the case before us. 
From the actual evidence presented and from the material accessi- 
ble, one is fairly entitled, at least, upon the present merits of the 
case, to accept the period between the latter half of the seventh cen- 
tury and the middle of the sixth century B.c. [perhaps still better, 
between the middle of the seventh century and the first half of the 
sixth century B.c.], or just before the rise of the Achaemenian 
power, as the approximate date of Zoroaster’s life.’ 

[= orig. p. 20] 1 Since the above was written Dr. E. W. West writes me 

(under date December 19, 1895) the interesting piece of 
information that his investigations into the history of the Iranian calendar 
have led him to the date p.c. 505 as the year in which a reform in the Per- 
sian calendar must have been instituted. He suggests that Darius, upon 
the conclusion of his wars and during the organizing of his kingdom and 
putting in force new acts of legislation, may with the aid and counsel of his 
priestly advisers have introduced the Zoroastrian names of the months 
which have supplanted the old Persian names which were given in the 
inscriptions. If this be so, the point may have a special bearing towards 
showing that the Achaemenians were Zoroastrians. From Albirtini, Chro- 
nology, pp. 17, 12; 55, 29; 205, 2; and 220, 19 (transl. Sachau), we know 
that Zoroaster himself must have occupied himself with the calendar. Ben- 
fey u. Stern, Ueber die Monatsnamen einiger alter Vilker, p. 116, regarded 
the Medo-Persian year as having been introduced into Cappadocia probably 


as early as B.c. 750. ([Dr. West’s paper on the Parsi calendar has just 
appeared in The Academy for April 23, 1896.] [Later postscript (1898), 
West gives his results in SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 79 seq. ] 

Similar results have been reached by others, or opinions to the 
same effect have been expressed; for example, Haug,! Justi (private 
letter),’ Geldner (personal communication), Casartelli,t and several 
names familiar to those acquainted with the field. Some effort 
might be made perhaps if the premises will allow it, and some 
attempts have been made, to define the period more exactly by a 
precise interpretation of the various time-allusions with reference to 
cardinal events in Zoroaster’s life— the beginning of his ministry at 
the age of 30, the conversion of Vishtaspa in the prophet’s 42d year, 
the death of Zoroaster at the age of 77 years.? [See Appendix III.] 

1Cf. Haug, Essays on the Parsis (West's Introduction, p. xlv.) ; although 
Haug had previously adopted various earlier eras for Zoroaster, e.g. B.c. 2300 
(Lecture on Zoroaster, Bombay, 1865), not later than B.c. 1000 (Essays, 
p. 299, where the subject is discussed ; cf. also Essays, pp. 15, 186, 264). 

2 Personal letter from Professor Justi, dated June 14, 1892. 

3 Geldner formerly placed the date of Zoroaster as prior to B.c. 1000 (see 
article ‘ Zoroaster,’ Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition). 

* Philosophy of the Mazdayasnian Religion under the Sassanids, trans]. 
Firoz Jamaspji, p. ii, ‘about 600.’ 

5 The best collections of material on the subject are to be found in de 
Harlez, Avesta traduit, 2d ed. Introduction, pp. xx-xxv, ccxiv. [See also de 
Harlez, The Age of the Avesta, in JAOS., New Series, xvii. 349, London, 
1885, who finds no reason to place the Avesta earlier than 600 or 700 B.c., 
or in broader terms fixes ‘the epoch of Zoroastrianism and the Avesta 
between 700 and 100 B.c.’], Spiegel, #.A. i. 673-676, and Windischmann, 
Zoroastrische Studien, pp. 147, 162, 305; the latter suggested (Zor. Stud. 
p. 164) about z.c. 1000 as Zoroaster’s date. The present writer (Avesta 
Grammar, p. xi) once held the opinion that Zoroaster lived ‘more than a 
thousand years before the Christian era.’ The date assigned by the Parsi 
Orientalist K. R. Kama is about B.c. 1800. 

6 E.g. Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p. 6, 60-62, assigns B.c. 
589-512 as the age of Zoroaster ; compare also Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend- 
Avesta, Bd. i. Thl. 1, pp. 827-374 ; Thl. 2, pp. 51-81 (Foucher). [Anquetil’s 
monograph should be consulted.] Floigl (Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18), fol- 
lowing Roth, gives B.c. 599-522 as Zoroaster’s era and identifies Vishtaspa 
with Hystaspes the father of Darius. Neither Floigl nor Réth seem to take 
any account of the difference between the genealogy of Vishtdspa’s ances- 
tors as given in the Old Persian inscriptions and the lineage given in the 
Avesta, Pahlavi, and later Persian works. Floigl does not, moreover, suffi- 
ciently take into consideration (p. 17) that 42 years (or at least 30) must be 


added in every instance to the 258 years before Alexander, as that was 
Zoroaster’s age when Vishtaspa accepted the Faith. This would in any 
event place the date of Zoroaster’s birth before B.c. 600. 

[= orig. p. 21] The above results, if they be accepted in the light 

at least of our present information on the subject, 
seem to be not without importance for the history of early religious 
thought and of the development of ethical and moral teaching. If | 
one carefully works through the material, it must be acknowledged 
that the most consistent and the most authoritative of all the actual 
statements upon the subject place the appearance of the prophet at 
a period between the closing century of Median rule and the rising 
wave of Persian power, that is, between the latter half of the 
seventh century and the middle of the sixth century B.c.; [better 
between the middle of the seventh century and the former half of 
the sixth century B.c.]. It is the sowing of the fallow land that is 
to bring forth the rich fruits of the harvest. The teaching of 
Zoroaster must have taken deep root in the soil of Iran at the time 
when the Jews were carried up into captivity at Babylon (586-536), 
where they became acquainted with ‘the law of the Medes and 
Persians which altereth not’;/the time was not far remote when 
the sage Confucius should expound to China the national tenets 
of its people, and the gentle Buddha on Ganges’ bank should preach 
to longing souls the doctrine of redemption through renunciation. 
How interesting the picture, how full of instruction the contrast! 
And in this connection, the old question of a possible pre-historic 
Indo-Iranian religious schism! comes perhaps once again into con- 
sideration.? Certain theological and religious phenomena noticeable 
in Brahmanism are possibly not so early, after all, as has generally 
been believed. It may perchance be that Zoroastrianism in Iran 
was but the religious, social, and ethical culmination of the wave 
that had been gathering in strength as it moved along, and that was 
destined in India to spend its breaking force in a different way 
from its overwhelming course in the plateau land northwest of 
the mountains of Hindu Kush. 

1 The view strongly upheld by Haug. 

2Deductions that might perhaps be made in the light of Hopkins, 
Religions of India, pp. 177, 186, 212, n. 8. Consult especially the suggestive 
hints of Geldner, article ‘ Zoroaster,’ Encyclopedia Britannica, where the 
much-mooted question of asura-ahura, daéva-deva, ‘ god-demon,’ is discussed. 


The kingdom of Bactria was the scene of Zoroaster’s zealous 
ministry, as I presume. [The question raised on this point is 
noticed in the present volume.] Born, as I believe, in Atropatene, 
to the west of Media, this prophet without honor in his own coun- 
try met with a congenial soil for the seeds of his teaching in eastern 
Iran. His ringing voice of reform and of a nobler faith found an 
answering echo in the heart of the Bactrian king, Vishtaspa, whose 
strong arm gave necessary support to the crusade that spread the 
new faith west and east throughout the land of Iran. Allusions 
to this crusade are not uncommon in Zoroastrian literature. Its 
advance must have been rapid. A fierce religious war which in a 
way was fatal to Bactria seems to have ensued with Turan. This 
was that same savage race in history at whose door the death of 
victorious Cyrus is laid. Although tradition tells the 
sad story that the fire of the sacred altar was quenched [= orig. p. 22] 
in the blood of the priests when Turan stormed Balkh, 
this momentary defeat was but the gatHering force of victory; 
triumph was at hand. The spiritual spark of regeneration lingered 
among the embers and was destined soon to burst into the flame 
of Persian power that swept over decaying Media and formed the 
beacon-torch that lighted up the land of Iran in early history. But 
the history of the newly established creed and certain problems in 
regard to the early Achaemenians as Zoroastrians belong elsewhere 
for discussion. 

[Addendum 1. Inan article on ‘The Date of the Avesta,’ The Times of 
India, March 11, 1898, now draws attention to the fact that Darab Dastur 
Peshotan Sanjana has again called up the proposed identification of Avestan 
Naidhyah Gaotema (in Yt. 13. 16) with the rishi Giutama whose son is Nodhas 
in the Veda. See this pamphlet Odservations on Darmesteter’s Theory, pp. 
25-31, Leipzig, 1898. On his point and on the other suggested identifications 
of the Avestan Gaotema with Gotama the Buddha, or with the Brahman 
Cangranghacah (see pp. 85-88 above), we may refer to what has been said by 
Windischmann, Mithra, p. 29, and to the references and discussion given by 
Justi, Handbuch der Zendsprache, p. 99 (Leipzig, 1864), where good material 
will be found. Justi’s statement in his Iran. Namenbuch, p. 110 (Marburg, 
1895) reads: ‘Gaotema, vielleicht Name eines Gegners der Zarathustrischen 
Religion Yt. 18.16; das Wort konnte auch appellativ sein ; sanskrit gétama.’ 

In the passage I do not think that the words na@ vydxanéd necessarily refer to 
Zoroaster at all, but that they allude to some later follower of the Faith who 
may have vanquished in debate some opponent of the Zoroastrian creed. Notice 
also Justi’s ‘eines Gegners der Zarathustrischen Religion.’ I cannot therefore 
see that we shall lose anything if we accept the view which was first suggested 



by Haug, and interpret this allusion to Gaotama as a thrust at Buddhism, and 
regard ndiédyah as a derogatory attribute, or connected with the Vedic root 

Color is given to such an interpretation because, farther on in the same Yasht 
(Yt. 13. 97), mention is made of the pious Saéna, a great religious teacher and 
successor of Zoroaster, who flourished between one hundred and two hundred 
years after the prophet himself, or b.c. 531-431, if we accept the traditional 
Zoroastrian chronology, and who might therefore have been a contemporary 
with Buddha. Upon the date of Saéna, see also Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The 
Antiquity of the Avesta, Bombay, June, 1896. Saéna belonged to the ancient 
territory of Saka-stana (Seistén) and thus to the region of White India; cf. 
p. 45, n. 4, 72, n. 3, 87, n. 1, and Appendix IV. 

Nowif in the particular case of Saéna (and the lines are metrical and therefore 
probably original) the Yasht actually makes mention of a Zoroastrian apostle 
who lives a century or more after the great teacher, I do not think we are neces- 
sarily forced to place Gaotama back into the Vedic period. In other words, in 
the case of Gaotema as of Saéna, the Yasht may be alluding to one who is born 
after Zarathushtra, and may be hurling anathemas against an opposing and 
heretical religion (and that religion Buddhism) which began to flourish about 
the same time as the Yasht may have been written. Of the various identifica- 
tions I should prefer that of Gotama the Buddha, rather than to call in the 
Vedas and Gautama whose son is Nédhas. ] 

[Addendum 2. My pupil, Mr. Schuyler, draws my attention to a refer- 
ence in a work that was published in the middle of the last century, which is of 
interest because it deals with the Huns and places the date of Zoroaster about 
the year ‘683 avant Jesus-Christ.? The reference is Deguignes, Histoire gén- 
érale des Huns, i. Pt. 2, p. 376, Paris, 1756.] 




(From Sacred Books of the East, xlvii. Introd. § 55.) 1 

AFTER investigating the traditional Zoroastrian chronology of the 
Bindahishn, and the statements of the other Pahlavi texts, which 
have been recorded in the preceding Appendix, Dr. E. W. West has 
compiled a series of chronological tables, synchronizing the Zoro- 
astrian and European systems. The statement of Bd. 34. 7, 8, 
places the death of Alexander 272 years after the coming of the reli- 
gion, ie. after the thirtieth year of Zoroaster’s life and of Vish- 
taspa’s reign. Combining these dates, and allowing for an apparent 
omission of thirty-five years (which is explained), the items 323 + 
272 + 35 give as a result B.c. 660-583 as the date of Zoroaster, and 
s.c. 660-540 for Vishtadspa’s reign,? which in Oriental manner is 
apparently conceived of as dating from the king’s birth. West’s 
tables are now presented (SBE. xlvii. Introd. pp. xxviii-xxx) : — 

‘If we adopt the abbreviations A.R. for “ anno religionis” and B.R. 
for “before the religion,’ we are prepared to compile the following 
synopsis of Zoroastrian Chronology according to the millennial sys- 
tem of the Bandahishn, extended to the end of time, but dealing 
only with traditional matters, combined with the European dates of 
the same events, deduced from the synchronism of A.R. 300 with 
B.c. 831, as stated above in § 54:’— 

B.R. 9000, B.c. 9680. Beginning of the first millennium of Time; and for- 
mation of the Fravashis, or primary ideas of the good creations, which 
remain insensible and motionless for 3000 years (Bd. I, 8; XXXIV, 1). 

1 Through the courtesy of Dr.E.W. for which kindness I wish to express 
West and of Professor F. Max Miiller, my appreciative thanks. —A. V. W.d. 
editor of the Sacred Books, I have 2See SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 70. 
been allowed to reproduce these pages ; 



B.R. 6000, B.c. 6630. Beginning of the fourth millennium, when the spiritual 
body of Zaratisht is framed together, and remains 3000 years with the 
archangels (Dk. VII, ii, 15, 16), while the primeval man and ox exist undis- 
turbed in the world, because the evil spirit is confounded and powerless 
(Bd. I, 20, 22; III, 1, 83,5; XXXIV, 1). 

. 8000, s.c. 8680. Beginning of the seventh millennium, when the evil 
spirit rushes into the creation on new-year’s day, destroys the primeval ox, 
and distresses GayOmart, the primeval man (Bd. I, 20; III, 10-20, 24-97; 

XXXIV, 2). Z. appears to remain with the archangels for 2969 years 

B.R. 2970, B.c. 8600. Gaydmart passes away (Bd. III, 21-23 ; XXXIV, 2). 

B.R. 2930, B.c. 8560. Masyé and Masyaéi had grown up (Bd. XV, 2; XXXIV, 

B.R. 2787, B.c. 3417. Accession of Héshang (Bd. XXXIV, 3). 

B.R. 2747, B.c. 3377. Accession of Takhmérup (ibid. 4). 

B.R. 2717, B.c. 3347. Accession of Yim (ibid.). 

B.R. 2000, B.c. 2630. Beginning of the eighth millennium. Accession of Dahak 
(ibid. 4, 5). 

B.R. 1000, s.c. 1630. Beginning of the ninth millennium. Accession of Frétin 
(ibid. 5, 6). 

B.R. 500, B.c. 1180. Accession of Maniishcihar (ibid. 6). 

B.R. 428, B.c. 1058. Spendarmat comes to Manishcihar at the time of Frasiyav’s 
irrigation works (Zs. XII, 3-6). [West's brief remarks on correction of the 
MSS. here omitted. ] 

B.R. 380, B.c. 1010. Accession of Atizsbs (Bd. XXXIV, 6). 

B.R. 375, B.c. 1005. Accession of Kai-Kobat (ibid. 6, 7). 

B.R. 360, B.c. 990. Accession of Kai-Us (ibid. 7). 

B.R. 300, B.c. 930. Zaratisht first mentioned by the ox that Sritd killed (Zs. 
XII, 7-20). 

B.R. 210, B.c. 840. Accession of Kai-Khisréi (Bd. XXXIV, 7). 

B.R. 150, B.c. 780. Accession of Kai-Lohrasp (ibid.). 

B.R. 45, B.c. 675. The Glory descends from heaven at the birth of Diktak (Zs. 
XIII, 1). 

B.R. 30, B.c. 660. Accession of Kai-Vishtasp (Bd. XXXIV, 7). Vohi- 
mano and Ashavahisht6 descend into the world with a stem of Hom (Dk. 
VI, ii, 24). Zaratisht is born (ibid. v, 1). 

B.R. 23, B.c. 653. Z. is seven years old when two Karaps visit his father, and 
Dirasrdbs dies (Dk. VII, iii, 32, 34, 45). 

B.R. 15, p.c. 645. Z. is fifteen years old when he and his four brothers ask for 
their shares of the family property (Zs. XX, 1). 

B.R. 10, B.c. 640. Z. leaves home at the age of twenty (ibid. 7). 

A.R, 1, B.c. 630. Beginning of the tenth millennium. Z. goes forth to his con- 
ference with the sacred beings on the 45th day of the 31st year of Vishtasp’s 
reign (Dk. VII, iii, 51-62; VIII, 51; Zs. XXI, 1-4). 

A.R. 3, B.c. 628. Z. returns from his first conference in two years, and preaches 

to Atrvaita-dang and the Karaps without success (Dk. VII, iv, 2-20). 
as. 11, B.c, 620. After his seventh conference, in the tenth year he goes to 





Vishtasp ; Métydmah is also converted (ibid. 1, 65; Zs. XXI, 8; XXIII, 
1, 2, 8). 

. 18, B.c. 618. Twelve years after Z. went to conference, Vishtasp accepts 

the religion, though hindered for two years by the Karaps (Dk. VII, v, 
1; Zs. XXIII, 5, 7). 

. 20, B.c. 611. A Kavig, son of Kindah, is converted (Zs. XXIII, 8). 
. 80, B.c. 601. Defeat of Arjasp and his Khyons (ibid). 
. 40, B.c. 591. Vohiiném is born (ibid.). About this time the Avesta is 

written by Jamasp from the teaching of Z. (Dk. IV, 21; V, iii, 4; VII, v. 11). 
[Compare also Dk. III. vii, 1, SBE. xxxvii. 406.] 

. 48, B.c. 583. Z. passes away, or is killed, aged seventy-seven years 

and forty days, on the 41st day of the year (Dk. V. iii, 2; VII. v,1; Zs. 
XXIII, 9). 

58, B.c. 573. Arrival of the religion is known in all regions (Dk. VII, vi, 
12). [Compare also Dk. IV, 21-22, SBE. xxxvii. 412-413.] 

63, B.c. 568. Frashdshtar passes away (Zs. XXIII, 10). 

64, B.c. 567. Jamasp passes away (ibid.) 

. 63, B.c. 558. Hangairiish, son of Jamasp, passes away (ibid.). 

80, B.c. 551. Asm6k-khanvatd passes away, and Akht the wizard is killed 

91, p.c. 540. Accession of Vohiiman, son of Spend-dat (Bd. XXXIV, 7, 8). 
100, B.c. 5381. Sénd is born (Dk. VII, vii, 6). 

200, z.c. 431. Sénd passes away (ibid.; Zs. XXIII, 11). 

2038. B.c. 428. Accession of Himai (Bd. XXXIV, 8). 

[Some additional dates are given by Dr. West, which include the 
invasion of Alexander (a.r. 300 = B.c. 331) and his death (4.n. 308 
= B.C. 323), and carry the chronology down to the final millennium 
of the world (a.n. 3028, a.p. 2398). ] 




1. Bactria and the Hast 

momaon oo 

. Cephalion. 
. Theon. 

. dustin. 

. Arnobius. 
. Eusebius. 
. Epiphanius. 

2. Media (Persia) and the West 

Estimate of the Classical Allusions 



. Pliny the Elder. 
. Clemens Alexandrinus. 


. Diogenes Laertius, 
. Porphyrius. 


1. Adarbaijin (Atropatene). 
a Zoroastrian Literature. 

Estimate of Mohammedan Allusions. . 

a. Bindahishn (20. 32). 
b. Bindahishn (24. 15). 

. Ibn Khurdadhbah. 

. Ahmad Yahya al-Baladhuri. 
. Ibn Fakih al-Hamadhani. 

. Tabari. 


Hamzah al-Isfahani. 

mHo Bog f 


RS poe 

Ro re Bod 


8 Mohammedan Literature. 

moe pe Bog 


see ew ew ee 186-188 
. Ammianus Marcellinus. 
. Orosius. 
. Isidorus. 

. Hugo de S. Victore. 

Egret. Ye 189-190 
. Gregory of Tours. 
. Chronicon Paschale. 
(Georgius Syncellus). 
. Michael Glycas. 
. 197-201 
. Shahrastani. 
Ibn al-Athir. 
. Bar ‘Ebhraya. 

2. Ragha, Rai (Media Rhagiana) 


a. Avesta (Vd. 1. 15). 
b. Avesta (Ys. 19. 18). 
c. Zat-sparam. 

Conclusion as to Zoroaster’s Native Place. 




Bactria and the East 

Geographical allusions in the Avesta ae in Pahlavi * 

Kavi dynasty in the east pele SO 
Allusionsto Balkh . 2... 1. ew ew ee 
Where was Vishtaspa’s capital . 

Sacrifices by Vishtaspa — discussion 

Where was Arejat-aspa’s capital — the Hyacnians 

Scene of the Holy Wars 

Location of the sacred fires . 

Minor points . 
Résumé of he. astern view 

Media and the West .. 

C. de Harlez 

Spiegel . 

Other scholars 

Justi’s views ag 

Additional arguments . : 
Résumé of the Western View 

General Summary 












Wirs regard to the native place of the founders of three of the 
great Oriental religions — Buddhism, Confucianism, Mohammedan- 
ism —the authorities are in agreement for the most part, and the 
recent discoveries with reference to Buddha’s birthplace have ren- 

dered assurance doubly sure at least in his case. 

With respect to 

Zoroaster’s native land, however, and with regard to the exact early 

home of Zoroastrianism, the case is different. 

1 [The question with regard to Zoro- 
aster’s native place has been exam- 
ined by the present writer in JAOS. 

In classic times 

time is reproduced here, but it has 
been largely augmented and rewritten, 
and the subject is now treated entirely 

xv. 221-232. Some of the material anew, especially with regard to the 

which was briefly presented at that 

scene of Zoroaster’s ministry. ] 


seven cities claimed a share in the honor of being the birthplace of 
the poet Homer; hardly less can be said of the prophet Zoroaster, 
if we take into account the various opinions which have been held 
on the subject of his origin. The question is one of interest, for 
with this problem there is also closely connected the question as to 
where we shall place the cradle of the religion of Mazda. 

The natural uncertainty as to whether a religious teacher’s birth- 
place or early home is necessarily identical with the scene of his 
religious activity complicates the problem considerably. Mani- 
festly it is fallacious to assume that the scene of Zoroaster’s min- 
istry must likewise of necessity have been his place of origin. This 
fact must be kept in mind when we examine the arguments that 
have been brought forward by some to prove that the east of Iran, 
or Bactria, must assuredly have been the original home of Zoroaster 
as well as the scene of the reform work of the so-called ‘ Bactrian 
Sage.’ The same fact, on the other hand, must be kept equally in 
view when the claim is made that Zoroaster came from western 
Iran, whether from Atropatene or from Media Proper, or from Persia. 
In the present memoir an endeavor will be made to keep the two 
sides of the question apart, and to discuss, (1) first, the question of 
Zoroaster’s native place; (2) second, the scene of his ministry. 

With regard to the disposition of the subject, authorities are 
agreed that we must look either to the east of Iran or to the west of 
Ivan for a solution of the problem. The question of north or of 
south is excluded by the nature of the subject. Since this is the 
case, we may examine the general points of view, and resolve these 
into three classes : — 

1. First, the view that the home of Zoroaster is to be placed in 
the east of Iran, in the Bactrian region, and that the scene of his 
religious reform belongs especially to that territory. 

2. Second, the view that the home of Zoroaster is to be placed 
in western Iran, either in Media Proper (Media Rhagiana) or in 
Adarbaijaén (Atropatene), and that the scene of his ministry was 
confined to that region. 

3. Third, a compromise view, which maintains that Zoroaster 
arose in western Iran, in Adarbaijan (Atropatene), or in Media 
Proper (Media Rhagiana), but that he taught and preached in Bac- 
tria as well. 

In this threefold summary it will be noticed in the first place 
that Persis, or Persia in the restricted sense, is left out of considera- 

tion —a justifiable omission because there is no especial ground for 
believing that Zoroaster originated in Persia itself. In the second 
place, it may be stated that there seem to be just reasons for coming 
to a definite conclusion that Zoroaster actually arose in the west of 
Iran. In the third place, it may be added that a definite conclusion 
as to the scene of Zoroaster’s ministry need not for the moment 
be drawn, but that this problem must be discussed as a sequel to 
the question of his place of origin. 

With these points to be kept in mind by way of introduction, and 
with this word of caution, we may proceed to examine the testi- 
mony of antiquity on the subject, which is the source from which 
we draw our information; after that we may go on to present argu- 
ments, or to draw deductions, which are based upon the material 
that is gathered. A division of the sources may be made into two 
classes: (a) Classical sources, Greek or Latin; (0) Oriental author- 
ities, either Iranian or non-Iranian. The testimony of these wit- 
nesses will be taken first with reference to the light they may 

throw upon the native country of the Prophet.’ 

1Partial Bibliography. For 
general references, see Jackson, Where 
was Zoroaster’s Native Place? JAOS. 
XV. pp. 221-232. Consult also Appen- 
dix V. below. The principal classical 
passages have likewise already been 
given by Windischmann, Zoroastrische 
Studien, p. 260 seg. (tr. by Darab 
D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra in the 
Gathas and in the Greek and Roman 
Classics, p. 65b, Leipzig, 1897). This 
material is now to be supplemented 
considerably by references which have 
since become accessible in Pahlavi lit- 
erature, and by abundant allusions 
found in Arabic and Syriac writers. 
For the latter, see Gottheil, Refer- 
ences to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic 
Literature, Drisler Classical Studies 
(Columbia University Press), New 
York, 1894; for example, pp. 32, 33 
(bis), 84, 37, 39, 40 (bis), 42 n., 44, 48 
(bis). These latter ‘References to 
Zoroaster ’ will be constantly referred 
to in the present article. Further- 

more, the general question of Zoroas- 
ter’s native place has often been 
discussed ; it is sufficient to mention 
Hyde, Historia Religionis veterum 
Persarum, p. 310 seq., Oxon. 1700; 
Barnabé Brisson, De regio Persarum 
Principatu, p. 385 seq., editio Argent. 
1710 (orig. ed. Paris, 1590) ; Anquetil 
du Perron, Zend-Avesta, tome i. Pt. 2, 
p. 5 seq., Paris, 1771; Spiegel, Hran- 
ische Alterthumskunde, i. 676-684 (tr. 
by Darab D. P. Sanjana, Geiger’s 
Eastern Iranians, ii. 179-189, London, 
1886) ; C. de Harlez, Avesta traduit, 
Introd. pp. 23-25, 2d ed. Paris, 1881; 
Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, tr. Introd. 
pp. 47-49, SBE. iv. Ist ed. Oxford, 

Special notice is not taken here of 
works relating to the home of the 
Avesta itself as a sacred book, although 
this question is more or less directly 
connected with the present subject. 

If references be desired, one may 
find the more important bibliographi- 


A. Classical References to Zoroaster’s Nationality 

The classical references which allude to the country of Zoroaster 
seem very contradictory if they be viewed alone, and they are doubt- 
less responsible for much of the uncertainty which has prevailed on 
the subject. It must also be remembered that a man is sometimes 
known to fame through his adopted country rather than through 
the land of his nativity. Although often conflicting, these classical 
references are of service in argument; it is well, therefore, briefly 
to present them, first giving those statements which connect Zoro- 
aster’s name with the west of Iran, with Media or Persia; second, 
giving those citations which imply that Zoroaster belonged to Bac- 
tria or eastern Iran. Most of the allusions date from the earlier 
centuries of the Christian era, or somewhat later, although claims 
may be made in one or two instances that the statements rest 
directly upon older authority. 

1. Bactria — Classical References placing Zoroaster in Hastern Iran 

Several allusions in the classical writers of Greece and Rome 
point to the fact that Zoroaster was thought of as a Bactrian, or, at 
least, as exercising his activity in the east of Iran. The writers 
seem to have somewhat of a hazy notion that Zoroaster was not a 
Magian only, but that he was a king and military leader, the oppo- 
nent of Ninus and Semiramis. There appears to be a reminiscence 
of an early struggle between a presumable eastern Iranian mon- 
archy and the Assyrian power of the west. Most of the classical 
allusions to Bactria seem to indicate a common source; this 
source may reasonably be traced back to a misunderstood allusion 

cal material on the subject of the 
Avestan cradle noted by Geiger, Vater- 
land und Zeitalter des Awesta und 
seiner Kultur, Abhandlungen der kgl. 
bayr. Akad. d. Wiss. philos.-philol. 
Cl. 1884, pp. 315-885. Geiger’s list 
may be supplemented by de Harlez, 
Der Avestische Kalender und die Hei- 
math der Avesta-Religion, Berliner 
Orientalische Congress, Abhdgn. ii. 

237 seq., Berlin, 1882; Geiger’s views 
are criticized also by de Harlez, Das 
Alter und Heimath des Avesta, Bez- 
zenberger’s Beitrage, xii. 109 seq., 
1887; and by Spiegel, Ueber das 
Vaterland und Zeitalter des Awestd, 
Zweiter Artikel, in ZDMG. xli. 280 

seq., 1887. Consult Darmesteter, Le 
Zend-Avesta, iii. Introd. pp. 89-90, 
Paris, 1898. 


in Ctesias.1 In his legendary accounts, Ctesias refers to wars car- 
ried on between Ninus and Semiramis and ’Ogvaprys (variants, ’Eya- 
dptys, Xadprys, Zadprys); the allusion in Oxyartes (Av. UxSyatarata) 
is not to Zoroaster, although Cephalion, Justin, and Arnobius, who 
draw on Ctesias, make Zoroaster a Bactrian and the opponent of 
Ninus. The matter has been commented upon above (Appendix II. 
154 seq.). The statements of these particular writers, however, are 
added for the sake of completeness, and they are supplemented by 
other classical citations. See also Appendix II. 

(a) Fragments of Cephalion (4.p. 120) which are preserved in 
the Armenian version of Eusebius, Chron. 1. 43, ed. Aucher, 
describe the rebellion of the Magian Zoroaster, King of the Bac- 
trians, against Semiramis: de Zoroastri Magi Bactrianorum regis 
certamine ac debellatione a Semiramide. Compare also, in this con- 
nection, Georgius Syncellus, Appendix V. § 41 below (cf. ed. Dind. 1. 
p. 315), and the reputed work of Moses of Khorene, 1.6, ‘le mage 
Zoroastre, roi des Bactriens, c’est a-dire des Médes’; or, on the other 
hand, Moses of Khorene, 1.17, ‘ Zoroastre (ZerataSd), mage et chef 
religieux des Médes (Mar) ’—see Langlois, Collections des Historiens 
de l Arménie, ii. 59 and 69, also Appendix VI. § 1 below; here Zoro- 
aster is a contemporary of Semiramis, and he seizes the government 
of Assyria and Nineveh; Semiramis flees before him, and she is 
killed in Armenia (Langlois, ii. 69). See also Gilmore, Ktesias’ Per- 
sika, p. 30 n.; Spiegel, Zran. Alterthumskunde, i. 682; Windischmann, 
Zor. Stud. pp. 302, 303; Miller, Fragm. Hist. Gir. iii. 627, v. 328. For 
the statement of Thomas Arzrouni, see p. 217 belowand Appendix VI. 

(b) Theon (4.p. 130) Progymnasmata, 9, wept cvyxpicews, ed. 
Spengel, Rhet. Greece. ii. 115, speaks of ‘Zoroaster the Bactrian’ — 
Zuwpodorpov rod Baxrpfov—in connection with Semiramis. See Ap- 
pendix V. § 8 below, and cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 290; Spie- 
gel, Hran. Alterthumskunde, i. 677. 

(c) Justin (c. A.D. 120), in his epitome of Pompeius Trogus’ 
Hist. Philippic. 1. 1. 9-10, makes Zoroaster a king of Bactria, a 
Magian, and the opponent of Ninus — bellum cum Zoroastre rege Bac- 
trianorum. See Appendix V. § 10 below. 

(d) Arnobius (4.p. 297), Adversus Gentes, 1. 5, also mentions a 
battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians, under the leader- 
ship respectively of Ninus and Zoroaster: inter Assyrios et Bactrianos, 
Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus. See Appendix V. § 16. 

1See also Justi in Grundr. d. iran. Philol. ii, 402. 


(e) Eusebius (4.p. 300), Chron. 4. 35, ed. Aucher, has a like allu. 
sion to Zoroaster, Bactria, and Ninus: Zoroastres Magus rea Bactri- 
anorum clarus habetur adversum quem Ninus dimicavit ; and again 
(Windischmann, p. 290), Preparatio Evang. 10. 9.10, ed. Dind. p. 
560, Nivos, caf’ dv Zwpodorpys 6 Mayos Baxrpiwy éBacirevce. See 
Appendix V. § 18 below. 

(f) Epiphanius of Constantia (A.p. 298-403) Adv. Hereses, Lib. 
I. tom. i. 6 (tom. i. col. 185 seq., ed. Migne) associates Zoroaster’s 
name with Nimrod, and states that Zoroaster came to the east and 
founded Bactria: Zwpodorpys, ds mpdow xwpjoas emt Ta dvaTodixa pépy 
oixicrns ylyverat Bdéxrpwv. See Appendix V. § 21 below. The same 
statement is later repeated by Procopius of Gaza, see Appendix V. 
§ 33 below. 

(g) Ammianus Marcellinus, 23. 6. 32, in discussing magic rites, 
connects Zoroaster’s name with Bactria, but identifies Hystaspes 
(Vishtadspa) with the father of Darius: cuius scientiae saeculis priscis 
multa ex Chaldaeorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, 
deinde Hystaspes rex prudentissimus, Daret pater. See Appendix V. 
§ 22 below. 

(h) Paulus Orosius (5th century a.p.) states that Ninus con- 
quered and slew Zoroaster of Bactria, the Magician. For the cita- 
tion and for the Anglo-Saxon version see p. 157 and Appendix V. 
§ 27 below. 

(i) Augustine (A.D. 354-430), de Civ. Dei, 21. 14 (tom. vii. col. 728, 
ed. Migne) follows the same idea in making Zoroaster a Bactrian 
whose name is associated with Ninus: a Nino quippe rege Assyri- 
orum, cum esset ipse (Zoroastres) Bactrianorum, bello superatus est. 
See Appendix V. § 28 below. 

(j) Isidorus (a.p. 570-636), Etymol. 8. 9 (tom. iii. col. 310, ed. 
Migne): Magorum primus Zoroastes rex Bactrianorum, quem Ninus 
rex Assyriorum proelio interfecit; and he alludes to a statement of 
Aristotle regarding Zoroaster’s writings. See Appendix V. § 38 
below. Again Isidorus, Chron. (tom. v. col. 1024, ed. Migne): hac 
aetate magica ars in Perside a Zoroaste Bactrianorum rege 
reperta. A Nino rege occiditur. 

(k) Hugo de Sancto Victore (died a.p. 1140), Adnot. Elucid. in 
Pentateuchon —in Gen. (tom. i. col. 49, ed. Migne): rea Bactriae 
Nino vicinus et vocatus Zoroastes, inventor et auctor maleficiae math- 
ematicae artis. 


2. Media or Persia— Classical References placing Zoroaster in 
Western Iran 

There are nine or ten classical allusions, on the other hand, which 
connect Zoroaster’s name with Media, or rather with Persia, the 
latter term often being used doubtless in a broader sense. 

(a) Pliny the Elder (4.p. 23-79), N. H. 30. 2. 1, for example, 
gives his opinion that the art of the Magi arose in Persia with Zoro- 
aster, but he is in doubt as to whether there were two Zoroasters or 
only one, and he alludes to a Proconnesian Zoroaster. Thus, in his 
first statement, he writes, NV. H. 30. 2. 1, sine dubio illic (ars Magica) 
orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter auctores convenit. Sed unus hic 
Suerit, an postea alius, non satis constat. Again, in his second state- 
ment, when speaking of the Magian Osthanes, who accompanied 
Xerxes to Greece, he says, WN. H. 30. 2. 8, diligentiores paulo ante 
hune (Osthanem) ponunt Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium. 
See Appendix V. § 5. 

Perhaps in this same connection may be mentioned the curious 
remark of the Scholiast to the Platonic Alcibiades (see Appendix 
V. § 1 below), to the effect that, according to some, Zoroaster was a 
‘Hellenian,’ or that he had come from the mainland beyond the sea: 
Zuwpodorpys . . . dv ot pay “EAAnva, of 0& Trav éx THS brép Ty peyadyy 
Ocraccav Are(pov Sppnnevov [raidd] pact, x7. dX. See Appendix V. 
§ 1, and cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 275 n. 

(b) Clemens Alexandrinus (a.p. 200) speaks of Zoroaster either 
as a Mede or as a Persian, with an allusion incidentally to 
Pamphylia: Strom. i. (tom. i. col. 773, ed. Migne), Zwpoderpyy rév 
padyov tov Iépoyv; and Strom. i. (tom. i. col. 868, ed. Migne), Zwpo- 
dotpys 6 Mijdos. Cf. again Strom. v. on Ildpudvdos. See Appendix 
V. § 13 below. 

(c) Origenes (A.D. 185-254), Contra Celsum i. (tom. i. col. 689, ed. 
Migne), speaks of Zoroaster as a Persian—rov Wépoqv Zwpodorpyy. 
See Appendix V. § 14. 

(ad) Diogenes Laertius (flor. c. A.p. 210), de Vit. Philos. Procem. 
2, writes of ‘Zoroaster the Persian,’ — Zwpodcrpyy tov Wépoyqv, — 
and apparently bases various statements which he makes about 
him on the authority of Hermodorus (s.c. 250?) and Xanthus of 
Lydia (s.c. 500-450). The text should be consulted; see Appen- 
dix V. § 15 below. 

(e) Porphyrius (a.p. 233-304), de Antro Nymph. 6. 7, refers, at 


least, to Zoroaster’s retirement into a cave ‘in the mountains of Per- 
sia’: Zwpodorpov abropues ompdaov év toils wAnoiov dpect THs Ilepoidos. 
The context shows that the region of Persia ina general sense is 
intended. See Appendix V. § 17, and cf. Windischmann, Mithra, 
Abh. f. Kunde d. Morgenl. i. 62, Leipzig, 1857. 

(f) Lactantius (about a.p. 300), Inst. 7.15, refers to Hystaspes 
(Zoroaster’s patron) as an ancient king of Media, long antedating 
the founding of Rome: Hystaspes quoque, qui fuit Medorum rex 
antiquissimus (cf. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 6, and Windischmann, 
Zor. Stud. p. 259, 293). 

(g) Gregory of Tours (4.v. 5388-598), Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (col. 164 
seq., ed. Migne), identifying Zoroaster with Chus (Cham or Ham), 
places him among the Persians, to whom he is said to have immi- 
grated: hic ad Persas transtit; hune Persae vocitavere Zoroastrem. 
See Appendix V. § 37. 

(h) Chronicon Paschale or Chron. Alexandrinum (a.p. 7th cen- 
tury, but with spurious additions a.p. 1042), col. 148 seq., ed Migne, 
has 6 Zwpdacrpos 6 dorpovduos Idprwy 6 repiBoynros. Again the allu- 
sion is very general in sense. See Appendix V. § 39. 

(i) It may be noted merely in passing that Georgius Syncellus 
(about a.p. 800), Chron. i. p. 147, alludes to a Zoroaster who was 
one of the Median rulers over Babylon more than a thousand years 
before the Christian era. No emphasis need be laid upon the pas- 
sage, nor any stress upon identifying the name necessarily with the 
Prophet; the chief interest of the allusion consists in its showing 
that the name Zoroaster was found in Media. See Justi, Grundriss 
der iran. Phil. ii. 402; Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 302; Haug, A 
Lecture on Zoroaster, p. 23, Bombay, 1865. Consult Appendix V. 
§ 41 below. 

(j) Suidas (about A.D. 970), s.v. Zwpoderpys, assumes a second 
famous representative of the name, a Perso-Median sage (Iepoo- 
uydSys, copés). This is evidently the Prophet. See Appendix V. § 45. 

(k) Michael Glycas (flourished about a.p. 1150), Ann. Pars ii. col. 
253, ed. Migne, repeats the statements current about Ninus, Semi- 
ramis, and Zoroaster, whom he speaks of under the general term of 
Persian, — Zwpéacrpos 6 repyBdytos Tepodv aorpovonos, — and he adds 
several allusions to the magic art in Media and Persia: riv dorpovopiay 
Aéyovrat mparov ebpyxévar BaBvdrdvior dia Zwpodorpov, Sevrepov dé edeEavro 
of Aiydrrin; tiv S€ payeav edpoyv Mido, etra UWépoa. See Appendix 
V. § 47. 


Estimate of the Classical Allusions. — The classical allusions on 
the subject of Zoroaster’s nationality are rather contradictory and 
conflicting. They refer to Bactria on the one hand and to Media 
and Persia on the other. The allusions to Persia are doubtless to 
be taken in a broad and general sense. It will be noticed, moreover, 
that the direct place of birth is not necessarily implied in these 
national appellatives. In point of time, few of the classical passages 
are much older than the more direct Oriental allusions; some of 
them are even later. They are of value chiefly for bringing out 
both sides of the question of eastern Iran and western Iran, and they 
are of importance when checked by tradition or when used for 
throwing additional light on tradition. 

B. Oriental References to Zoroaster’s Place of Origin 
—The Tradition 

Laying the classical authorities aside, we may now have recourse 
to the more direct Oriental tradition. For the most part the 
Oriental material is either directly Iranian or it is Arabic matter 
drawn from Iranian sources. This gives it a special value. The 
statements on the subject may therefore be taken up in detail; the 
allusions found in the Pahlavi or patristic writings of Zoroastrianism 
will first be presented; these will then be elucidated further by 
references in Arabic and Syriac authors; and, finally, they will be 
judged in the light of the Avesta itself. If the Oriental citations be 
examined critically, they will be found generally to be quite con- 
sistent in their agreement on the place of Zoroaster’s origin. 

Western Iran— Atropatene, Media— the Scene of Zoroaster’s Appear- 
ance according to Oriental Sources 

There is a general uniformity among Oriental writings which 
touch on the subject in locating the scene of Zoroaster’s appearance 
in western Iran, either in Adarbaijan (Atropatene) or in Media 
Proper (Media Rhagiana). The city of Urmi (mod. Urumiah, 
Oroomiah), Shiz, or the district round about Lake Oroomiah (Av. 
Caécasta or Caécista), and Rai (Av. Ragha) are the rivals for the 
honor of being his home. The sea of Caécista is the Galilee of 
Zoroastrianism ; Shiz and Ragha, the Nazareth and the Bethlehem 
of Iran. Urmi and Shiz represent Atropatene; Rai (Ragha) stands 
for Media Proper. 


The rivalry between the two regions mentioned, and the associa- 
tion of Zoroaster’s name, first with Media Atropatene (Adarbaijan), 
and then with the Median Rai (Media Rhagiana), happily finds an 
explanation in a remark made by Shahrastani (a.p. 1086-1153). 
This Arab writer gives us the key to the problem when he says of 
Zoroaster that ‘his father was of the region of Adarbaijin; his 
mother, whose name was Dughdi, came from the city of Rai’? 

This statement of Shahrastani is apparently vouched for by the 
Dinkart (7. 2. 7-13), from which source we learn that Zoroaster’s 
mother before her marriage with Pourushaspa (Périishasp6) resided 
in a different district from the latter. As a girl she becomes filled 
with a divine splendor and glory; the phenomenon causes her to be 
suspected of witchcraft, and her father is induced by idolatrous 
priests to send her from his home. She goes to Patiragtaraspé, 
‘father of a family in the country of the Spitamas, in the district of 
Alak (or Arak),’* where she marries Pourushaspa the son. This 
district is probably connected with the ‘ Arag province’ (Zsp. 20. 4), 
which latter is undoubtedly a part of Adarbaijan.* Furthermore, 
by way of localization, we note that the village of Patiradgtardspo is 
stated to have been situated in a valley (Dk. 7. 2. 11-13); and the 
house of the son Pourushaspa, Zoroaster’s father, is elsewhere spoken 
of as occupying the bank of the river Darej, which may have been 
the home of the Prophet’s parents after they married.’ 

Lastly, by way of introduction, it must be noticed that there is an 
old proverb in Pahlavi literature which characterizes anything that 
is preposterous as something that could hardly happen ‘even if Rak 
(or Ragh) and Notar should come together’ (Dk. 7. 2. 51; 7. 3.19; 
Zsp. 16. 11-18, and cf. Dk. 7.3. 39). In Zsp. 16. 12-13, these proper 
names, Ragh and Notar, are explained as ‘two provinces which are 
in Atir-patakan (Adarbaijin), such as are at sixty leagues (para- 

1See my article in JAOS. xv. 228. 

2 See JAOS. xv. 228, and cf. Hyde, 
Hist. Religionis vet. Pers. p.298 ; Gott- 
heil, References to Zoroaster, p. 48 
(bis) ; Darmesteter, SBE. iv. (2ded.), 
p. 261, Le ZA. iii. 385, n. and Introd. p. 
89, u. 2. See also p.17 above and p. 199. 

5 Quotation from Dk. 7. 2.9 (West's 
translation, SBE. xlvii. 20). 

*On ‘Arag,’ consult West, SBE. 

xlvii. 151, n.; and, slightly differently, 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 
89, n. 2. West writes me, Nov. 1, 1897, 
Ragh = Rak = Arak = Alak = Ay. 

5 Bd. 20. 32; 24. 15; Zsp. 22. 12; 
Vd.19.4; 19.11. Shahrastani speaks 
of a mountain (Ism)uwiz-xar (read- 
ing ?), in Adarbaijan, associated with 
Zoroaster’s birth. 


sang, i.e. 210 to 240 miles) from Cist;! Zaratisht arose from Ragh, 
and Vishtaésp from Notar. And of these two provinces, Ragh was 
according to the name of Ericé, son of Dirésrébo, son of Mantish- 
cihar, from whom arose the race of Zaratisht; and Ndotar was 
according to the name of Notar, son of Manishcthar, from whom 
arose the race of Vishtasp.’? 

So much by way of introduction. We may now proceed to dis- 
cuss Adarbaijan (Atropatene) and Media (Media Rhagiana) respec- 

1. Adarbaijan (Atropatene) 

The connection of Zoroaster with Lake Caécista, Urumiah, Shiz, 
and the territory round about, may be further illustrated by quota- 
tions in Zoroastrian literature. 


The allusions to Adarbaijan will first be presented, and then an 
attempt will be made to localize, if possible, the region known in 
the Avesta as Airyana Vaéjah (Phl. Airdén-Véj), and the river called 
Darej or Daraja. 

(a) The Bandahishn places the home of Zoroaster in Airdn Véj, 
by the river Daraja. Bd. 20. 32, Daraja rit pavan Atran Vej, minas 
mint Péorisasp6 abitar-i Zaratust pavan bar yeheviint, ‘the Daraja 
river is in Airan Véj, on whose bank (ba) was the abode of 
Périishasp, the father of Zaratisht.’® 

(b) The Bindahishn, in another passage, also states that Zoro- 
aster was born near the Daraja River. Bd. 24. 15, Daraja rit rit- 
baran rat, mamanas man-t abitari Zaratist pavan bala;* Zaratust 
tamman zat, ‘the Daraja River is the chief of exalted rivers, for the 
abode of Zaratisht’s father was upon its banks; and Zaratisht was 
born there.’ 

1If we assume that Cist (Av. Caé- 
cista) is Lake Urumiah, then ‘60 para- 
sangs’ (210-240 miles) would place 
Ragh and Notar considerably outside 
of the boundaries of the present Adar- 
baijan. So noticed by West (personal 
letter, dated Nov. 1, 1897). This would 
favor the common identification of 
Ragh, the home of Zoroaster’s mother, 
with the ruins of Rai. 

2 Zsp. 16. 11-12 (West’s translation, 


SBE. xvii. 146-147). In the Avesta, 
Vishtaspa is of the family of Naotair- 
yans, and so also is Hutaosa his wife. 
Cf. Yt. 5.98; 15. 835 and SBE. xlvii. 80, 
n. 1 and p. 70 above. 

8 See also West, SBZ. v. 82, and p. 
204 below. 

4To be emended ; see the remarks 
on the reading of the word by West, 
SBE. v. 89, u. 6. 


(c) Zat-sparam, 22. 12, makes one of Zoroaster’s conferences with 
the archangels to have taken place ‘on the precipitous bank of the 
Dareja’ (pavan Darejin zbar). See West, SBE. xlvii. 162 n. There 
can be little doubt that this assertion, like the unequivocal state- 
ments of the Bindahishn, rests upon good old tradition; the three 
allusions accord perfectly with hints which are found in the Avesta 

(4) In the Avesta, Vd. 19. 4; 19. 11, we likewise learn that Zoro- 
aster’s temptations by Ahriman, as well as his visions of Ormazd 
and the archangels, took place, in part at least, upon the banks of 
the river Darej, where stood the house of his father Pourushaspa: 
Vd. 19. 4, Drajya patti zbarahi nmanahe Pourushaspahe, ‘by the 
Darej, upon its high bank, at the home (loc. gen.) of Pourushaspa.’ 
Compare Phl. pavan Darejin zbar in the preceding paragraph. A 
little farther on in the same chapter we read: Vd. 19. 11, parasat 
Zarabustrs Ahuram Mazdam ... Drajya paiti zbarahe, Ahurai Maz- 
dai vawhave, Vohu-Maite awhand, Asai Vahistai, XSabrai Vairyai, 
Spantayat Armatae, ‘Zoroaster communed with Ahura Mazda on the 
high bank of the Darej, sitting (?) before the good Ahura Mazda, 
and before Good Thought, before Asha Vahishta, Khshathra Vairya, 
and Spenta Armaiti.’? 

With regard to localizations, there is good ground for believing 
that Airan Véj (Av. Airyana Vaéjah) is to be identified in part at 
least with Adarbaijan, and that the ancient Darej of the Avesta 
(Phl. Daraja) is identical with the modern Daryai. The Daryai 
Rud flows from Mt. Savalan (Sebilan), in Adarbaijan, northward 
into the Aras (Araxes).? If the identification be correct and the 

1 The reference to the elevation or 
the precipitous bank of the river, Av. 
zbarah, Phi. zbar, bar (cf. Skt. hvdras), 
seems to be in accordance with the 
tradition that Zoroaster retired to a 
mountain for meditation ; see Vd. 22. 
19, gairim avi spanté-frasnd, varaxam 
avi spento-frasni, ‘to the mountain of 
the two who held holy converse; to 
the wood where the two (Ormazd and 
Zoroaster) had holy communings.’ 
See similar ideas above, p. 34. If it 
were not for the Pahlavi passages, one 
might be inclined to render Av. zba- 

rahi, ‘ata bend’ (of the river), or as 
adj. ‘meandering’; cf. Skt. \/ hvar, 
‘to be crooked, to wind’; or even the 
idea ‘in a cave’ might be gotten ety- 
mologically from the word; and the 
cave played a part in Zoroastrian and 
Mithraic mysteries. On the latter point 
compare Windischmann, Mithra, pp. 
62-64, in Abh. K. Morg. i. No. 1, 1857. 

2 See also Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta 
tr. SBE. iv. Introd. p. 49 (ist ed.). 
For the river Aras (Araxes), see 
de Harlez, Avesta traduit, p. viii. map ; 
also the map of Persia by Philip 


ancient Darej, Daraja, was in Atropatene, it is wholly in keeping 
with what follows; for in this connection may be noticed a later 
non-Iranian tradition which associates Zoroaster’s name with Shiz 
(cf. Av. Caécista) and with Mt. Savalin. Consult the Map. 

This tradition which supports the assumed identification Darej, 
Daraja, Daryai, is found in the Arabic writer Kazwini (about a.p. 
1263). The passage in which Kazwini speaks of Shiz in Adar- 
baijan is as follows: ‘Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians, takes 
his origin from here (i.e. Adarbaijan). It is said that he came from 
Shiz. He went to the mountain Sabalan, separated from men. He 
brought a book the name of which was Basta. It was written in 
Persian, which could not be understood except with the assistance of 
acommentator. He appeared, claiming the gift of prophecy, at the 
time of Gushtasp, the son of Lohrasp, the son of Kai-Khusrau, king 
of Persia.’? Mount Sabalin (Savalan) may be the Avestan ‘Mount 
of the Holy Communicants,’ with a sacred tree perhaps (Vd. 22. 19, 
gairim spanto-frasna, varasam spanté-frasnd), for Kazwini elsewhere 
says of Sabalan: ‘It is related that the Prophet (4.e. Mohammed) 
said: Sabalan is a mountain between Armenia and Adarbaijan. 
On it is one of the graves of the prophets. He said further: On 
the top of the mountain is a large spring, the water of which is 
frozen on account of the severe cold; and around the mountain are 
hot springs to which sick people come. At the foot of the mountain 
is a large tree, and under this there is a plant to which no animal 
will draw near. If it comes near it, the animal flees away; if it eat of 
it, it dies.’ The religious character of the place, the mountain, the 
tree, the springs, would answer well for the identification suggested 
for the modern Daryai Rid in Adarbaijan. 

This much having been prefaced with reference to Adarbaijan 
and with regard to the river near which the Prophet probably 
passed some of his early years, or in the neighborhood of which he 

& Son (London), Rand & McNally 
(New York), and especially by Keith 
Johnson (Edinburgh and London) at 
the end of this volume. 

1 Kazwini, ii. p. 267, ed. Wiisten- 
feld, Gottingen, 1848 (Gottheil, Refer- 
ences to Zoroaster, p. 40); consult 
also Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, tr. 
SBE. iv. Introd. p. 49 (ist ed.), 

where Rawlinson’s identification of 

Shiz with Takht-i Suleiman is 

2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 40. 

8 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
pp. 41-42. According to Gottheil, the 
tree appears also in connection with 
Zoroaster in Syriac legends. 


may have been born (Bd. 24. 15), if not at Urumiah, we are next 
prepared to take up the question of Airdén Véj. 

Direct Iranian tradition explicitly connects the opening of Zoro- 
aster’s prophetic career with Airyana Vaéjah of the Avesta, or Airan 
Véj in Pahlavi. This land is sometimes regarded as mythical; but, 
like a number of other scholars, I do not agree with that view. I 
am inclined strongly to favor the opinion of those who think we 
have good reason for believing that Airyana Vaéjah is to be localized 
in the west of Iran, as the Pahlavi locates it, and that this also 
points to the notion that Zoroaster originally came from that 
direction eastward. The Bindahishn expressly connects Airan Véj 
with Atropatene: Bd. 29.12, Airan Véj pavan kista Aturpatakan. 
The present opinion of scholars tends to uphold this localization. 
The river Darej, near which stood the house of Zoroaster’s father, 
was in Airan Véj, as already stated, and an identification was accord- 
ingly suggested. In the Avesta, moreover, Zoroaster is familiarly 
spoken of as ‘renowned in Airyana Vaéjah’ (Ys. 9. 14, sriité airyene 
vaéjahe). The Prophet is also there represented as offering sacrifice 
in Airyana Vaéjah by the river Daitya (see below): Yt. 5. 104; 9. 
25; 17. 45, airyene vaéjahi vawhuya daityaya. The Bindahishn 
likewise alludes to the fact that Zoroaster first offered worship in 
Airan Véj and received Métyomah (Av. Maiésydi-miha) as his first 
disciple. The passage reads, Bd. 32. 3, ‘ Zaratiisht, when he brought 
the religion, first celebrated worship in Airén Véj and Métyomah 
received the religion from him.’? In the Dinkart also, as well as in 
the Avesta, the river Daiti and its affluents in the land of Airan Véj 
form the scene of Zoroaster’s first revelation and of certainly one of 
his interviews with the archangels, the majority of which took place 
in Atropatene ( Dk. 7. 3. 51-54; 4. 29; 8. 60; 9. 23; Zsp. 21.5; 21. 
13; 22.2; 22.9).% Inthe later Persian Zartusht Namah, Zoroaster 
passes the Daiti before he proceeds on his mission: to King Vishtasp.‘ 

1 Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 5-6; Geld- Phil. ii. 8389. Spiegel notices the ques- 

ner, Grundr. d. iran. Phil. ii. 38; simi- 
larly Justi, Spiegel, and de Harlez 
make Media the home of the Avesta. 
The strongest opponent of this view, 
and warmest supporter of Bactria, is 
Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur, Erlangen, 
1882; Sitz. d. Kgl. bayr. Akad., Mai, 
1884, and recently Grundr. d. iran. 

tion of Airyanem Vaéjo in ZDMG. 
xli. 289. 

2 Cf. West, SBE. v. 141, and Justi, 
Der Bundahesh, p. 79. 

3 Cf. p. 40 seq., above. 

4 See Eastwick’s translation in Wil- 
son, Parsi Religion, p. 491. 


The hallowed Daitya!—a sort of Iranian Jordan—was perhaps 
a border stream between two territorial divisions; we recall that 
Vishtaspa sacrifices ‘on the other side of it’ (cf. pasne, Yt. 17. 49) 
as discussed elsewhere, p. 211. The proposed identification of the 
Daitya and its affluents, with the modern Kizel Uzen, Spéd or Saféd 
Rud and its tributaries in Adarbaijan has already been mentioned 
as satisfying most of the conditions of the problem.? 


Having examined the direct Iranian sources in the light of pos- 
sible allusions to Atropatene, we may now turn to other material on 
the subject. Mohammedan writers are almost unanimous in placing 
the first part of Zoroaster’s prophetic career in Adarbaijan (Azar- 
baijan) or in stating that he came originally from that region? The 
traditions cluster about Urumiah (Urmi) and Shiz. The Arabic 
name Shiz is the counterpart of an Iranian Ciz (from Caécista), or 
Lake Urumiah.* The Arab geographer Yakit (a.p. 1250) describes 
‘Shiz,a district of Azarbaijin ... which is believed to be the 
country of Zaradusht, the prophet of the fire-worshippers. The 
chief place of this district is Urmiah’;° and under Urmiah he 
writes: ‘It is believed that this is the city of Zaradusht and that 
it was founded by the fire-worshippers.’ § 

There are a dozen other such statements which will be given 
below, but before presenting them it will be well merely to note that 
two or three Arabic authors allude to Zoroaster as being of Pales- 
tinian origin, and they state that he came from that land to Adar- 
baijan; and they proceed to identify him with Baruch, the scribe of 
Jeremiah. This confusion is presumably due to their having con- 

founded the Arabic form of the name Jeremiah, Armiah (as!) 

1 Lit. the ‘river of the Law,’ on 
which it was first promulgated. 

2 See pp. 41, 211. The same sugges- 
tion has been made tentatively by 
West, SBE. v. 79 n.; but Justi, Gdr. 
d. iran. Phil. ii. 402, proposes either 
the Kur or the Aras. Similarly Dar- 
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 6, n. 

® The quotations in the following 
paragraphs are made from the mono- 
graph of my friend and colleague, 

Gottheil, References to Zoroaster in 
Syriac and Arabic Literature, Drisler 
Classical Studies, New York, 1894 
(Columbia University Press). 

*See Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. p. 
xxi, n. 2, and cf. Justi, Handbuch, s.v. 

5 See Barbier de Meynard, Dict. de 
la Perse, extrait de Yaqout, Paris, 
1861, p. 367. 

* Thid. p. 26, 85. 


with Zoroaster’s supposed native place Urumiah, Urmiah (xo fa 
Having noticed this point we may present the Arabic and Syriac 
allusions to Zoroaster’s native place, which are almost unanimous in 
mentioning Adarbaijan (Azarbaijan). 

(a) Ibn Khurdadhbah (about a.p. 816),’ Kitab al-Masalik wa’l 
Mamdalik, p. 119 (ed. De Goeje, Leyden, 1889) writes of ‘Urmiah, 
the city of Zarddusht, and Salamas and Shiz, in which last city 
there is the temple of Adharjushnas, which is held in high esteem 
by the Magians.’® 

(b) Ahmad ibn Yahya al-Baladhuri (about a.p. 851) in his Hitab 
Futih al-buldin (De Goeje, Liber Hxpugnationis Regnorum, p. 331. 
1, Leyden, 1866), in mentioning the conquest of Adarbaijan, adds the 
following note: ‘Urmiah is an ancient city (of Adarbaijan); the 
Magians think that Zaradusht, their master, came from there.’ * 

(c) Ibn al-Fakih al-Hamadhani (about a.p. 910), in his geo- 
graphical account (ed. De Goeje, Leyden, 1885, p. 286) mentions as 
cities of Adarbaijan: ‘Janzah, Jabrawdn, and Urmiah, the city of 
Zaradusht, and Shiz, in which there is the fire-temple, Adhar- 
jushnas, which is held in high esteem by the Magians.’*® 

(d) Tabari (d. a.p. 923), in his history, gives considerable atten- 
tion to Zoroaster; out of a number of allusions one passage may be 
selected. It will be noticed, as explained above, pp. 38, 166, that 
TabarI mentions a belief that Zoroaster was a native of Palestine 
who came to Adarbaijan. In his Annales, Part I. p. 648 (Brill, 
Leyden, 1881), the passage runs: ‘During the reign of Bishtasp 
(Vishtasp) Zaradusht appeared, whom the Magians believe to be 
their prophet. According to some learned men among the people of 
the book (i.e. the Jews), he was of Palestinian origin, a servant 
to one of the disciples of Jeremiah the prophet, with whom he was 
a favorite; but he proved treacherous and false to him. Wherefore 

1Cf. pp. 30, 166 above and Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, p. 30, n. 2. 

2 His father is stated to have been 
a Magian, Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster, p. 44. 

§ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 44. 

4 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 33. It is not necessary at this point 
to repeat also the allusion to ‘ Persia’ 

in the Christian patriarch Eutychius 
of Alexandria (a.p. 876-939) when he 
mentions Zoroaster. This author wrote 
in Arabic; the passage is given above 
in a Latin version in Appendix II. p. 
168, and it may be found rendered into 
Latin in Migne, Patrolog. Gr., tom. 111. 

5 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 44, 


God cursed him, and he became leprous.1. He wandered to Adar- 
baijan, and preached there the Magian religion. From there he went 
to Bishtasp, who was in Balkh. Now when he (Zoroaster) had 
come before him and preached his doctrine to him, it caused him to 
marvel, and he compelled his people to accept it, and put many of 
his people to death on its account. They then followed it (the 
religion). Bishtasp reigned one hundred and twelve years.’ ? 

(e) Masiidi (writing a.p. 943-944, died 951) states in his Meadows 
of Gold: ‘Gushtasp reigned after his father (Lohrasp) and resided 
at Balkh. He had been on the throne thirty years when Zardusht, 
son of Espiman, presented himself before him... he (Zardusht) 
was originally from Adarbaijan and he is ordinarily called Zardusht, 
son of Espiman.’? 

(f) Hamzah al-Isfahani (a.p. eleventh century) in his Annals, p. 22, 
26 (Gottwaldt, Hamzae Ispahanensis Annalium, Libri x, Lipsiae, 
1848) states: ‘While King Lohrasp was still living, the sovereignty 
was handed over to his son Gushtasp; and in the thirtieth year of 
Gushtasp’s reign, when he himself was fifty years old, Zardusht 
of Adarbaijan came to him and expounded the religion to him. 
He not only embraced the religion himself, but he also sent messen- 
gers to the Greeks in behalf of this faith and invited them to 
adopt it. They, on the contrary, produced a book which had been 
given them by Feridin, in which it was agreed that they should be 
allowed to keep whatsoever religion they had themselves chosen.’ * 

(g) Shahrastani (born a.p. 1086) has the famous statement already 
noticed, pp. 17,192: ‘They (the Zarddushtiya) are the followers of 
Zaradusht ibn Birshasb (Purshasp), who appeared in the time of 
King Kushtasf (Gushtasp) ibn Lohrasp; his father was from Adar- 
baijan, and his mother, whose name was Dughdi, was from Rai.’$ 
According to Shahrastani the Prophet’s birth takes place in 

(h) Ibn al-Athir (a.p. 13th century) incorporates the greater part 
of Tabari’s history into his Kitab al-Kamil fi al-ta‘arikh, with slight 

4 After Gottwaldt’s Latin transla- 
tion. See also Gottheil, References to 

1Cf. p. 30 and Appendix II. p. 166. 
2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 

pp. 36-37. 

3 From Masidi (Magoudi), Prairies 
ad’ Or, Texte et traduction par Barbier 
de Meynard, ii. p. 128. See Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, p. 34. 

Zoroaster, p. 33. 

6 From the German translation by 
Haarbriicker, i. p. 275 seq. ; see Got- 
theil, References to Zoroaster, p. 48. 


additions from other sources, and with a more concise arrangement. 
His account of Zoroaster closely follows Tabari’s lines, including 
the statement regarding Zoroaster’s relation to Jeremiah,’ and his 
wandering to Adarbaijan: ‘It is said, he adds, that he was a for- 
eigner,? and that he had composed a book with which he went 
around in the land. No one knew its meaning. He pretended that 
it was a heavenly tongue in which he was addressed. He called it 
Ashta.s He went from Adarbaijén to Faris (Persia). But no one 
understood what was in it, nor did they receive him. Then he went 
to India and offered it to the princes there. Then he went to China 
and tothe Turks, but not one of them would receive him. They 
drove him out from their country. He travelled to Ferghanah, but 
its prince wished to kill him. From there he fled and came to 
Bishtasp (Vishtasp), son of Lohrasp, who commanded that he be 
imprisoned. He suffered imprisonment for some time.’?* And Ibn 
al-Athir farther on relates: ‘Then Bishtasp caused Zaradusht, who 
was in Balkh, to be brought to him. When he stood before the 
king he explained his religion to him. The king wondered at it, 
followed it, and compelled his people to do the same. He killed 
a large number of them until they accepted (the new religion). The 
Magians believe that he took his rise in Adarbaijan and that 
he came down to the king through the roof of the chamber. In his 
hand was a cube of fire with which he played without its hurting 
him; nor did it burn any one who took it from his hands. He 
caused the king to follow him and to hold to his religion, and to 
build temples in his land for the fires. From this they lighted the 
fire in the fire-temples.’ 5 

(i) Yakit (about a.p. 1250) has already been cited, but the allu- 
sions from Gottheil’s collection (p. 42) are added here for complete- 
ness. The Kitab Mu‘jam al-buldan (vol. iii. p. 354, ed. Wistenfeld) 
remarks of Shiz: ‘It is said that Zarddusht, the prophet of the 
Magians, comes from this place. Its chief city is Urmiah.... In 
it is a fire-temple which is held in great esteem. From it are lighted 
the fires of the Magians from the east unto the west.’ Also, vol. i. 

1 See comment on pp. 197-198. is implied in the Dinkart ; the impris- 

2 Min al-‘ajam; probably a Persian onment is also familiar from the sto- 
(Gottheil). ries in the Dinkart and Zartusht 

8 Mistake for Abasta, Avesta. Namah, p. 62 above. 

4The notion of Zoroaster’s wan- 5 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 

derings is not inconsistent with what pp. 39-40. 


p. 219, Yakut has: ‘Urmiah . . . people believe it to be the city of 
Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians.’! 

(j) Kazwini (about a.p. 1263), Cosmography, ii. p. 267 (ed. Wiis- 
tenfeld, Géttingen, 1848), speaking of Shiz in Adarbaijan, recounts: 
‘Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians, takes his origin from here. 
It is said that he came from Shiz. He went to the mountain Saba- 
lan, separated from men. He brought a book the name of which 
was Basta. It was written in Persian which could not be under- 
stood except with the assistance of a commentator. He appeared, 
claiming the gift of prophecy, at the time of Kushtasp, the son of 
Lohrasp, the son of Kai Khusrau, king of the Persians. He wished 
to get to Bishtasp, but he did not succeed. Bishtadsp was sitting in 
the hall of state, when the roof of the hall parted in two, and Zara- 
dusht came down from it.’ And, after describing some of the details 
of Vishtasp’s conversion, Kazwini concludes: ‘Zaradusht commanded 
that fire-temples should be built in all the kingdom of Bishtasp. He 
made the fire a Kibla, not a god. This sect continued to exist until 
the prophet of God (Mohammed) was sent. They say that even 
to-day a remnant of it is to be found in the land of Sajistan.’? 

(k) The Syriac writer, Gregorius Bar “Ebhraya (about a.p. 1250) 
in his Arabic Chronicon, p. 83 (ed. Salhani, Beirut, 1890), following 
his Arab masters, says: ‘In those days (of Cyrus and Cambyses) 
Zaradosht, chief of the Magian sect, by birth of Adarbaijan, or, 
as some say, of Athdr (Assyria). It is reported that he was one of 
Elijah’s disciples, and he informed the Persians of the sign of the 
birth of Christ, and that they should bring him gifts.’§ 

(1) Abulfeda (a.p. 1273-1331), Annals, vol. iii. p. 58, as cited by 
Hyde, states that Zoroaster arose in ( s”!) Urmi or (xa) Urmiah. 

See Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 311 (1st ed.). Hyde discusses 
other Arabic references, pp. 312-317. See below, Appendix VI. § 2. 

Estimate of the Mohammedan Allusions. — According to the Arabic 
statements one would be justified in assuming that Zoroaster arose 
in Adarbaijan; there seems also to be a preponderance of state- 
ments to the effect that Balkh was the scene of the Prophet’s con- 
version of Vishtasp. 

1 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 8 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 42. p. 32. 

2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
pp. 40-41. 


2. Ragha, Rai (Media Rhagiana) 

All the above traditional Oriental allusions have been unanimous 
in placing Zoroaster’s origin in Adarbaijan, or Media Atropatene, 
whether in Urumiah, Shiz, or on the river Darej. There are yet 
two other passages, drawn from the Avesta, which connect Zoroas- 
ter’s name with Ragha. 

Ragha is generally identified with the city of Rai (Gk. ‘Pdya) of 
Media, whose ancient ruins are still pointed out near modern Tehe- 
ran. This was a famous city in antiquity, the ‘Rages of Media’ in 
the O. T. Apocrypha.’ The Pahlavi texts seem to regard it as part 
of Atir-pitakan.2 Perhaps the boundaries of Adarbaijan were 
wider extended then than now, although Darmesteter suggests that 
possibly there may have been a Ragha in Adarbaijan independent 
of Rai This seems hardly necessary from what follows. We 
must also remember that Raga in the Ancient Persian inscriptions 
is a district or province, dahyu. The subject of Ragha requires 
further discussion, but it may be stated at the outset that these 
allusions, in any event, lend additional weight to the view of Zo- 
roaster’s belonging originally to western Iran. 

But before taking up the detailed question of Av. Ragha, Phi. 
Ragh, Mod. Pers. Rai, it will be well to cite an extract from the 
Dabistan, a work that is late in its present form (about a.p. 1650), 
but a book which contains old traditions. The passage runs: ‘It is 
generally reported that Zardusht was of Adarbaijan or Tabriz; but 
those who are not Beh-dinians, or “true believers,” assert, and the 
writer of this work has also heard from the Mobed Torru of Busa- 
wari, in Gujarat, that the birthplace and distinguished ancestors of 
the prophet belong to the city of Rai’* With this information we 
may turn to the Avesta itself. 

(a) The first of the two Avesta texts which evidently associate 
Zoroaster’s name in some way with Ragha is Vd. 1. 15, and the Pah- 
lavi version of the passage is interesting. The Avesta passage 
reads: Vd. 1. 15, dvadasom asawhamca S6ibranamca vahistam frad- 

10n ‘Rhage,’ see my article in + Dabistan, tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 
Harper’s Dict. of Classical Antiqui- p. 263, Paris, 1848. The translator 
ties, pp. 1369-1370, New York, 1897. adds a note that Rai is the most north- 

2g. Zsp. 16. 12, West, SBE. ern town of the province Jebal, or 
xlvii. 147, et al. Irak Ajem, the country of the ancient 

8 Le ZA. ii. 18, n., 33. Parthians, 


warasam azam yo ahurd mazdé rayem brizantim, ‘as the twelfth most 
excellent of localities and places, I who am Ahura Mazda created 
Ragha of the three races.’ The Pahlavi commentary renders, raki3 
toxmak atir-patakdno, ‘Rak of three races, of Atir-pitakan,’! and 
he adds the gloss, aétun min ré yemalelinéto, ‘some say it is Rai.’ 
Notice the footnote.? 

(b) The second of the Avestan passages which connects the name 
of Zoroaster with Ragha is in Ys. 19.18. Mention is there made of 
five regular rulers, ‘the lord of the house, the village, the province, 
and the country, and Zarathushtra as the fifth.’ This order, as the 
text continues, holds good for all countries ‘except the Zarathush- 
trian Raji (or Raghi; is it Rai?) ‘The Zarathushtrian Ragha 
(Raya Zaradustris) has four lords, the lord of the house, the village, 
the province, and Zarathushtra as the fourth.’ The text is 

Ys. 19. 18, Kaya ratavd ? nmanyd visyd zantumd daihyums zara- 
Oustrd puxdsd. aaham dahyunam ya any rajoit zaradustroit. 
cabru-ratus raya zaradustris. kaya aivhaé ratavd ? nmanyasca 
visyasca zantumasca zaradustré tuiiryd. This construction evi- 
dently signifies that the Dahyuma, or governor, is everywhere the 
supreme head, but there is acknowledged one who stands above him 
as representative of the church, as well as state, the chief pontiff 
Zoroaster (Zarathushtra), or ‘the supreme Zoroaster’ (Zarathushtro- 
tema), as he is elsewhere termed (e.g. Ys. 26.1; Yt. 10. 115, etc.). 
In the papal see of Ragha, however, the temporal power (Dahyuma) 
and the spiritual lordship (Zarathushtra) are united in the one 
person. For some reason Ragha is plainly the seat of the religious 
government. The Pahlavi version (ad loc.) speaks of it in connec- 
tion with Zoroaster as being ‘his own district’ (mata-i nafSman) ;* 
the Sanskrit of Nérydsang glosses the allusion by asserting that 

1Cf. Darab D. P. Sanjana, Pahlavi 
Version of the Avesta Vendidad, p. 8, 
Bombay, 1895. 

2 Allusion has been made above 
(p. 202) to the question of a Ragha in 
Adarbaijan as possibly contrasted with 
the ‘Paya of the Greek, or possibly to 
a Raya Zarasustris different from Rai ; 
cf. also the Anc. Pers. Raga as a dis- 
trict or province, dahyu; but that is 

8 See also Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 
p. 170. 

4 Notice the use of ‘district,’ and 
elsewhere Ragha is a region as well as 
a town of Media. On Greek allusions 
to ‘Pdya:, see also Haug, Ahuna-Vai- 
rya-Formel, pp. 138-1384 (=45-46), 
Miinchen, 1872, and the article which 
is referred to on the preceding page 
(p. 202, n. 1). 


Zoroaster was the fourth lord in this village, because it is his own 
—tasmin grame yat sviyam Gsit asdu gurus’ caturtho bhit. Ragha 
is plainly a centre of ecclesiastical power, as remarked above. This 
fact is further attested by Yakit (i. p. 244), who says there was a 
celebrated fortress ‘in the district of Dunbawand, in the province of 
Rai’ (notice the latter expression), which was the stronghold of the 
chief priest of the Magians.? If Ragha enjoyed such religious prom- 
inence there must have been ground for it, and we recall what was 
said above, in the Dabistan and Shahrastani’s statement, which con- 
nects Zoroaster’s mother’s family with Rai. 

(c) As a sequel to this, comes an interesting comment in the 
Selections of Zat-sparam; this has already been noticed (p. 192), but 
it is worthy of being taken up again at this point, for it is a sort of 
Iranian adage like Macbeth’s Birnam wood and Dunsinane. In Zsp. 
16. 11-12, an old proverbial affirmation is used to assert that some- 
thing is impossible, and that it would not happen—‘not though 
both the provinces of Ragh and Notar should arrive here together’; 
and the explanatory comment on these proper names is added, ‘two 
provinces which are in Atir-patakan, such as are sixty leagues 
(parasang, ie. 210 to 240 miles) from Cist.? Zarattisht arose 
from Ragh, and Vishtésp from Notar.’ The rest of the passage 
and the Dinkart occurrences of the proverb have been given above 
(pp. 192-193), and should be consulted. 

Ragh (Av. Ragha) like Arabic Shiz is evidently a territorial 
designation as well as a town title, and certainly the Prophet’s 
family on the maternal side came from there, if we are to place any 
reliance on tradition. Now, if the Prophet was born in a city of 
Adarbaijan, whether in Urumiah, in the region of Shiz (Av. Caécista, 
prob. Urumiah), or on the Darej River —and even Ragh itself appears 
frequently in Pahlavi to have been regarded as a part of this land — 
it is by no means unlikely that a man with a mission like Zoroaster 
would have been drawn to so important a place as Ragha was in 
antiquity, especially if it was the home of his mother. All which 
would account for the association of the names together. An attempt 
has been made by the present writer, in JAOS. xv. p. 228-232, more 
fully to amplify this connection of Raghé with Zoroaster’s teaching 

1Cf. Spiegel, Neriosengh’s Skt. Ue- Dict. de la Perse, p. 33; Darmesteter, 
bersetz. des Yacna, Leipzig, 1861, p.99. SBE. iv. p. xlviii, (1st ed.). 

2 See Gottheil, References to Zoro- 3 It is important to consult the foot- 
aster, p. 46, n.; Barbier de Meynard, note on p. 193. 


and preaching, especially by an attempted explanation of the word 
rajis in Ys. 53.9.1 But the passage and the commentary alike are 
difficult, and enough has been said already to show Zoroaster’s con- 
nection with this region. 

Conclusion as to Zoroaster’s Native Place. — Zoroaster arose in 
western Iran. Apparently he was born somewhere in Adarbaijan. 
The places specially mentioned are Urumiah, Shiz (Av. Caécista, 
prob. anc. Urumiah) and the river Darej. His mother’s family was 
connected with Ragha, which accounts for associating his name with 
that place; but it is not clear that this was the Median Rai (Paya: 
of the Greeks) although it was in the west. The latter seems to 
have been a district as well as town, and is sometimes regarded as 
a part of ancient Atir-patakan. Zoroaster’s youth was also cer- 
tainly passed in western Iran. 

General Remarks 

The question regarding Zoroaster’s native place may be looked 
upon as having been answered by placing it in western Iran, at 
least on the basis of present evidence and opinion. The question 
as to the scene or scenes of his religious activity, however, is 
a more unsettled problem. The uncertainty is doubtless due to the 
conditions of the case; missionary work by a reformer is not con- 
fined to a single field. Taking a general view, however, as stated 
on p. 186, scholars are divided between Media, in the broader sense, 
and Bactria, with a preponderance perhaps in favor of the former. 
The present writer has elsewhere maintained the ground that both 
sides of this question are possibly correct, in part, and that the con- 
flicting views may be combined and reconciled on the theory that 
the reformer’s native place was not necessarily the scene of his 
really successful prophetic mission.? In other words, the opinion 
was held that Zoroaster may have been a prophet without honor in 
his own country; that he arose, indeed, in western Iran, probably 
somewhere in Atropatene; that he presumably went at one time to 

1 First suggested by Geldner, KZ. 2 Jackson, Where was Zoroaster’s 
xxviii. 202-203, and further discussed Native Place? JAOS. vol. xv. pp. 
by the present writer in the article 221-232, New Haven, 1891. 
alluded to in the next note. 


Ragha (perhaps Media Rhagiana), but on finding this an unfruitful 
field he turned at last to Bactria. Under the patronage of Vishtaspa, 
his faith became an organized state religion; and then it spread, 
possibly through religious crusades, westward to Media and Persia. 
Progress was rapid; the fire of religious zeal was contagious; the dis- 
trict of Ragha, which was once a hot-bed of heresy (upard-vimandhim), 
became the head of the established faith of Media. Persia follows 
suit when she rises into power. That at least was suggested at the 
time —in other words that we have an earlier instance of the same 
story as Mohammed, or Mecca and Medina. 

Such a view, however, is mere theory or speculation, at least so far 
as Bactria and the exact spreading of the Creed is concerned. Never- 
theless it is not speculation built entirely upon baseless fabric. It 
has this in its favor, that it is based upon a combination of various 
statements in Zoroastrian literature which may be united with Arabic 
and Syriac material, and with Latin and Greek references, so as to 
make, in part at least, a fairly solid structure. The assumption of a 
double scene for Zoroaster’s life, first for his birth and earlier years, 
and second for his later years and death, has also been inferred by 
others, naturally from the tradition. It has an advantage in saving 
several points of tradition which would otherwise fall; but it is open 
to several serious objections which will be pointed out as the investi- 
gation proceeds. For the present, it will be a better plan simply to 
bring forward both sides of the question, the eastern and the western 
view, and to reserve final decision for later. The Bactrian side will 
first be presented; the arguments in favor of Media will then be 
arrayed to offset this. 

Before proceeding to the discussion, it is proper to recall that we 
have no direct evidence to prove that Zoroaster spent the first thirty 
years of his life anywhere but in his native land, if we assume that 
to be Adarbaijan. At the age of thirty came the Revelation, the 
opening of his ministry, and the first of the seven visions that filled 
the ten or twelve years which elapsed until Maidhydi-maonha adopted 
the creed, and King Vishtaspa was converted. The whole of this 
question has been examined in Chapter IV. As it was there stated 

1So Anquetil du Perron, Zend- view (but with modification), Spiegel, 
Avesta, T. i. pt. 2, pp. 5, 29. (An- Eran. Altertumsk. i. 708, ii. 171. On 
quetil’s Mem. de V Acad. des Bel. Lett. the other hand, notice what is said by 
T. xxxi. p. 870 seq., as noted also by Geiger, OI. pp. 488-492. 
Kanga, Extracts, p. 55.) <A similar 


we have information from the Dinkart (see pp. 43-46 above), that 
Zoroaster went and preached before the Turanian Adrvaita-dang 
after the first conference with Ormazd; furthermore, that he ex- 
pounded the tenets of his faith to Parshat-giu in Sagastan. From 
this it is manifest that during the first two years he must, at all 
events, have been in the east, apparently both northeast and south- 
east, even if one maintains the view that Vishtaspa lived nearer to 
the region of his own native land. 

This tradition of wanderings to remote lands is in keeping with 
the Gatha psalm of dejection, Kam naméi zam, kubra& namdi ayeni, 
‘to what land am I to turn, whither am I to turn,’ Ys. 46. 1 seq. 
An echo of it, moreover, as already stated (p. 200), is perhaps to 
be recognized in Ibn al-Athir, who recounts how Zoroaster goes 
from Adarbaijan to Persia, then to India,! China, Turkestan, 
Ferghanah, and that he finally converts Vishtaspa, who seems in 
this account to be in the east. Perhaps these statements regarding 
India are due to Zoroaster’s having been in Sagastan or Seistan (see 
also footnote below) which forms part of the territory of White 
India.2, It may be noticed that Ammianus Marcellinus also makes 
Hystaspes (or is it Zoroaster) pass some time studying in India 
(see Appendix II., p. 167). So much for the two years that fol- 
lowed the first ecstatic vision, and which correspond to different 
scenes in Zoroaster’s missionary labors! 

By the close of this period, Zoroaster appears to have wended his 
way gradually back again toward his native country, as may be 
inferred from the different localities in which the visions of the next 
eight years took place. Consult the Map. The second, third, and 
fourth visions took place on the homeward route to the south of the 
Caspian Sea, if the identifications in Chapter IV. be correct. The 
fifth and sixth visions were beheld in the region of the river Daitya 
and Mount Asnavant (Mount Sahend and the Kizel Uzen; ef. pp. 41, 
48). Finally, the last interview with the archangels was manifested 
to him at his own home on the river Darej (pp. 34, 49, 194), which 
would agree with the Avesta (Vd. 19. 4,11), as this vision is also 
associated with the temptation by Ahriman. But now for the Bac- 
trian question ! 

1Js it Sagastan (Parshat-giu) and 2On ‘ White India,’ the provinces 
Turan (Airvaita-dang)? Cf. p. 39,n. of Iran which border upon India, see 
labove. See also next note and Darmesteter, Ze ZA. ii. 4,18, n., and 

references. cf. above, pp. 44, n. 4, 72, n. 3, 87, n. 
1, 178, and p. 210. 


1. Bactria and the Hast, or the View that Zoroaster’s Ministry was in 
Eastern Iran 

Irrespective of the question of the scene of Zoroaster’s activity, 
the whole problem of the home of the Avesta itself, as a literary 
composition and religious work, has long been a common subject of 
discussion.! The assumption of a Bactrian kingdom which ante- 
dated the Median empire, or at least preceded the rise of the Achae- 
menian power, has generally been maintained by scholars, especially 
by the historian Duncker.? Criticisms of this view will be men- 
tioned later; but it is important to notice that one of the strongest 
supporters of an eastern Iranian civilization, judging from geo- 
graphical and ethnographical allusions in the Avesta, is the Iranist, 
Wilhelm Geiger.® 

The Avesta itself does not give any definite statement with 
respect to the situation of Vishtaspa’s capital, nor do the Pahlavi 
texts, to be discussed below, seem more explicit. Nevertheless, the 
Avestan geographical allusions tend to gravitate toward the east, 
rather than toward the west.* The heroic sagas of the royal line of 
kings in the Avestan Yashts are located for the most part in the 
east. According to the Zamyad Yasht (esp. Yt. 19. 66-69), the 
home of the Kavi dynasty is in Seistan, and this is important to con- 
sider because of its bearing on the claim for the east and for Bactria. 
Firdausi, a native of Tis, moreover, places the scene of the Vish- 
taspa-Gushtasp cycle in eastern and northeastern Iran, as will be 
more fully explained below.’ According to Firdausi (Dakiki), 
Yakut, Mirkhond, and others, Balkh was founded by Vishtasp’s 
father, Lohrasp.6 On the Greco-Bactrian coins is found an 

1¥For some bibliographical refer- 
ences, see p. 186. 

2 Geschichte des Alterthums. iv. 15 
seq. ; Ndldeke, Persia, in Encyclope- 
dia Britannica, xviii. 561 (9th ed.) ; 
Tomaschek, Baktria, Baktriane, Bak- 
trianot, in Pauly’s Real-Encycl. ii. 
col. 2806 seq. (neue Bearb.). 

3 Ostiranische Kultur, Erlangen, 
1882; Vaterland wu. Zeitalter des Avesta 
in Sitzb. d. K. B. Acad., May, 1894; 
Grundriss d. iran. Phil. ii. 389. This 
view is criticised by Spiegel, ZDMG. 
xxxy. 636, and rejected, ZDMG. xli. 

292-296; cf. also in Sybel’s Histor. 
Zeitschr. N. F. 8.1 seq. Again, it is 
opposed by de Harlez, Das alter und 
Heimath des Avesta, in BB. xii. 109 
seq.; cf. also Abh. d. Berliner Or. Con- 
gress, ii. 270-277. The arguments in 
favor of Bactria from the classics are 
most strongly presented by Rapp, 
ZDMG. xix. 27-33 (1865). 

4 Geldner, Gdr. d. iran. Phil. i. 38. 

5 See also Noldeke in Gdr. d. iran. 
Phil. ii. 131. 

6 Firdausi, Livre des Rois, tr. 
Mohl, iv. 224; Yakit in Barbier de 



APOOACNO (i.e. Aurvat-aspa, Lohrasp), evidently as heros epony- 
mos of the place.’ Albiriini states that ‘ Balkh was the original resi- 
dence of the Kayanians,’ and Mirkhond speaks of Lohrasp as ‘the 
Bactrian.’* Tabari similarly states that Lohrasp ‘established his 
residence at Balkh,’ where he places the seat likewise of Lohrasp’s 
son and successor, Vishtasp;* yet it must not be forgotten in this 
connection that Tabari also considers Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus to 
have been generals under Lohrasp and Vishtasp.* Mastidi joins in 
regarding Balkh as the royal capital until the seat of government 
was transferred westward to Irak in the time of Himai® Other 
Persian and Arabic chroniclers and geographers place the seat of 
the Kayanian empire, at the time of Lohrasp and Vishtasp, in Bac- 
tria, i.e. to the north of Seistan, and there is a tradition about a 
portrait of Zoroaster at Balkh, as will be noticed in Appendix VII. 
The author of the Zartusht Namah and the Cangranghacah Namah, 
who was himself a native of Rai, localizes the scene of the meeting 
between Zoroaster and Vishtasp in Balkh, where he also represents 
the famous debate between Zoroaster and the Brahman Cangrang- 
hacah to have taken place (cf. p. 85 seq. above). This is interesting 
when we consider that the writer came from the west and from a 
city which was so closely associated with Zoroaster’s name; he must 
have had some strong tradition to that effect; his work, moreover, 
is known to be based upon Pahlavi authorities.6 In the Dinkart, 
the meeting took place first on a ‘race-course’ (aspanvar), but the 
locality is not indicated, cf. p. 59, n. 2 above. From the Pahlavi 
treatise ‘Wonders of Sagastan’ it appears that at one time (perhaps 
after his conversion) Vishtaspa had conferences with Zoroaster and 
his apostles in Seistén—see passage translated below, p. 212. 

Meynard’s Dict. de la Perse, p. 112; 
Mirkhond, Hist. of Pers. Kings, tr. 
Shea, London, 1832. 

1 See Tomaschek’s article, Baktria, 
in Pauly’s Real-Encyclopaedie, ii. col. 
2812-2813. Consult Stein, Zoroastrian 
Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins in 
Babyl. and Or. Record, i. 157 seq.; 
notice a dissenting view by Darme- 
steter, Le ZA. ii. 482. 

2 Albiriini, Chronology, tr. Sachau, 
p. 100, London, 1879, and Mirkhond, 
tr. Shea, pp. 59, 264, 272. 

8 Tabari, Chronique de Tabart, tra- 


duite sur la version persane d’ Abou-Ali 
Mo'hammed Bel‘ami, par Zotenberg, i. 
p. 491 seq.; cf. similar allusions in Gott- 
heil, References to Zoroaster, pp.386-40. 

4 Furthermore, for the destruction 
of Jerusalem by Lohrasp (!), see 
Maiég-i khirat, 27. 64-67, tr. West, 
SBE. xxiv. 64-65, and Yakit in Bar- 
bier de Meynard’s Dict. de la Perse, 
p. 369. See also p. 91, n. 2 above. 

5 Macoudi, Les Prairies d@’Or, tr. 
Barbier de Meynard, ii. p. 120. 

6 Zartusht Namah, tr. Eastwick, in 
Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 498. 


To return to Firdausi. As mentioned above, the Shah Namah 
connects Lohrasp with Balkh, and describes how the youthful Vish- 
tasp quits the realm and passes the first years of his life in the 
west, in Rim (the Byzantine Empire). He returns from thence to 
assume the sceptre of authority. It is not specifically stated that 
the years which directly followed were actually passed in Balkh, 
but it is certain that the last part of his reign is regarded as being 
passed there. Lohrasp himself lives there in retirement after 
Vishtasp had mounted the throne, and the lapse of time is shown 
also by the fact that Zoroaster is now spoken of as an old man 
(Pers. pir)? Perhaps Vishtaisp formed a link between the east and 
the west, if the texts seem to imply a break in the regular succes- 
sion as he came to the throne; see p. 223, n. 1 below. 

At this point we may turn again to our earlier Iranian sources. 
As previously observed, neither the Avesta nor the Pahlavi writings 
are explicit in their statements as to the situation of Vishtaspa’s 
capital. The Dinkart, it is true, speaks several times of the ‘abode’ 
(man), ‘residence’ (baba), or ‘lofty residence’ (buland mani§no) of 
Vishtasp, but there is nothing precise as to the location.? The gen- 
eral allusions to Notar, moreover, have already been noticed above, 
p. 192, and they will be referred to again, p. 222. The nearest 
approach in the Avesta to a definite statement regarding Vishtaspa’s 
whereabouts is found in two references to places where he offers 
sacrifice for victory in battle over Arejat-aspa in the holy war of the 
Religion, or when on a religious crusade. One of these sacrifices is 
offered ‘on the farther side of the water of Frazdanava’ (Yt. 5. 108, 
pasne apam frazdanaom) for victory over three unbelievers one of 
whom is the inveterate foe, Arejat-aspa (Yt. 5. 109, Taéryavantam 
duadaénam | Pasanamea daévayasnam | drvantamca Arajat-aspam).' 
But in Yt. 9. 29 = Yt. 17. 49, the same sacrifice is offered again by 
Vishtaspa for victory over exactly the same three foes, but includ- 
ing also the names of a number of other enemies; and (important 
to keep in mind) the sacrifice of this latter passage is not celebrated 

1 See pp. 72-73. cludes India among the lands to which 
2 See also Mohl, tr. iv. 2938. Vishtasp spread the gospel of Iran (cf. 
8 Compare note on p. 58. Mohl, iv. pp. 843-344; and above, p. 

4It might possibly be suggested that 84 seq.; observe likewise Darmesteter, 
we have in the name Tathryavant a Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 90). But such a 
distant allusion to the Tantra philoso- conjecture could add little in favor of 
phy of India; the Shah Namah in- the eastern view. 


near the Frazdanava, but is offered up on the farther side of the 
river Daitya. Still further, Vishtaspa’s brother Zairivairi (Zarir), 
who is mentioned directly after Vishtaspa’s sacrifice by the Frazda- 
nava in the earlier passage, likewise offers similar worship on the 
same spot (Daitya), with an identical wish (Yt. 5. 112-113, pasne 
apo Déityaya); and directly afterwards in the same Yasht (Yt. 5. 
116) Arejat-aspa invokes the same divinity near Vourukasha (Caspian 
Sea) for victory over Vishtaspa. This latter point will be taken 
up hereafter, pp. 212-218. 

It is necessary to comment anew on the suggested identification of 
these places. From the discussion above, pp. 41,197, it is to be inferred 
that the Daitya was a sort of border stream in the west, to be identified 
with the Kizel Uzen or Saféd Rid. The river Kizel Uzen is the 
classic "Apapdos of Ptolemaeus, in Atropatene, and Andreas describes 
it as a natural ‘markscheide.’1 The Avestan word pasne is appar- 
ently used with a river name like the Latin usage of trans in Trans- 
Rhenanus (opp. Cis-Alpinus), compare the modern Iranian designation 
of Bid-Pis, ‘before the rivers,’ as opposed to Bia-Pas, ‘back of the 
rivers,’ used in the adjoining territory of Gilin.? The various streams 
which flow into the river to-day would answer to the tributaries of 
the Daitya that are mentioned in the Dinkart and Zat-sparam? 
This is the river of the ‘ Law,’ and the river which Zoroaster appar- 
ently crosses on his way to convert Vishtasp.* 

The Frazdanava, on the other hand, is to be sought in Seistan, 
in the east, if we accept the statement of the Bindahishn (Bd. 22. 5), 
and is probably to be identified with the Ab-istadah lake, south of 
Ghazni” Being a member of the Kayanian line, Kavi Vishtaspa 

1 Andreas, Amardos, in Pauly’s _ trasted with Pourushaspa’s dwelling on 

Real-Encyl., neue Bearb., Stuttgart, 
1894, vol. i. col. 1735, 1. 44. 

2 Refer to Andreas, loc. cit. Il. 60-61, 
whose transcription ‘ Bid-Pi8’ is here 
followed. Cf. also de Morgan, Mission 
Scientifique en Perse, i. 209. 

8 Dk. 7. 3. 51-56; Zsp. 21. 5, 22.9. 
I believe that in Dk. 7. 20. 30, we are 
to read mayd-i ¥ét (not Ddit), as noted 
by West, SBE. xlvii. 25, n. 2, and 
compare the Shét river of Bd. 20. 7, 
SBE. v.77; although there would be 
no real inconsistency in Dait, as con- 

the Darej, as that may have been the 
home to which he removed after his 
marriage ; see suggestion on p. 192. 

4 Zartusht Namah, p. 491. 

5 This view is opposed to Lagarde’s 
Hrazdan in Armenia (Beitrige zur 
baktr. Lex. p. 28), but I agree with 
Geiger’s estimate of Hrazdin in OIK. 
p. 108. The identification of Frazda- 
nava with Ab-istédah is mentioned by 
West (SBE. v. 86, n.3) as being from 
Justi (see his Handb. der Zendsprache, 
p. 197 b), although Justi now seems 


is naturally associated with Seistan and Lake Frazdin. The Pahlavi 
treatise, ‘Wonders of the Land of Sagastan,’ makes Seistan the 
place of Vishtasp’s first religious propaganda, and apparently also a 
place where Vishtasp conferred with Zoroaster and other apostles of 
the Faith, on matters of religious importance! I am indebted to Dr. 
West’s kindness for a translation of the ‘Wonders’; the passage 
(Wond. of Sag. § 6) reads: ‘King Vishtasp produced the progress 
of religion on Lake Frazdan, first in Sagastan, and afterwards in the 
other provinces; also King Vishtasp, in conference with Zaratisht, 
and Séné6, son of Ahimstit of Bist,’ because his disciples of Zara- 
tisht have been the first in his long discipleship, (made) the various 
Nasks proceed in a family of the good, for the purpose of keeping 
the religion of Sagastan progressive for being taught.’ We remem- 
ber also that Zoroaster went in his earlier years to Seistan to preach 
to Parshat-gau (pp. 44-45). According to Firdausi, King Vishtasp 
(Gushtasp) was engaged upon a religious crusade in Seistan and 
Zabilistan,? and was at the abode of the old hero Rustam, who still 
held out against conversion to Zoroastrianism, when the Turanians 
under Arjasp stormed Balkh, slew Lohrasp in battle before the 
walls, and killed Zoroaster.* Vishtasp returns from Seistan for 
the finally routing of Arjasp.* 

It must be acknowledged that the twofold sacrifice by Vishtasp, 
once on the Frazdinava and once on the Daitya, causes some diffi- 
culty in connection with the identification of scenes in the Holy 
Wars. As already observed, the Frazdanava sacrifice, when placed 
in Seistan, certainly refers to the second and final invasion. The 

rather to incline toward the view of 8 Ci. Mohl, tr. iv. pp. 355, 456 ; and 

Hrazdan in Armenia, judging from 
Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, pp. 256-257. 
Geiger, OIK. p. 108, notices the iden- 
tification of Frazdanava with the Ab- 
istadah, but he prefers to explain the 
matter differently. 

1See West in Gdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. 

2 Dr. West notes that this place is 
described by the pseudo Ibn-Haukal 
as on the river Hérmand, between 
Ghor and the lake (see Ouseley’s Ori- 
ental Geography, p. 206) ; it was there- 
fore in Seistan. 

also Vullers, Fragmente iiber Zoroas- 
ter, Bonn, 1831, p. 97 and p. 125, 
n. 62. 

4 Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-Lan- 
dauer, iii. pp. 1559-1560 ; but there is 
some uncertainty owing to a variation 
in the reading. Thus, Kih in hérbadra 
kih kust; and again, cira hérbadra bi- 
kuxt ; but a few lines further on (p. 
1560) the death is proved by hérbadra 
hamah sar zadand. 

5 Mohl, iv. 854, 355, 365. 


Daitya sacrifice, we may presume, refers to the first invasion, if we 
make the twofold division mentioned on p. 105; but it is not easy 
to reconcile this with the assumption that the scenes of the first war 
belong rather to the territory of Merv (p.114). Perhaps the Daitya 
sacrifice is not to be pressed as referring to a special incident, and 
perhaps the prayer was general; or Vishtasp was crusading in the 
west at the time; history offers examples of a Christian king of 
Europe offering up his prayers in the land of the Saracens. Dar- 
mesteter* does not seem to think it imperative to take the Daitya 
sacrifice too seriously in the face of the Frazdanava passage which 
gives a scene located in Seistdn; or, he thinks, the Daitya allusion 
may be a reminiscence of the Median origin of Vishtaspa himself. 
Nevertheless, there is a certain discrepancy which must fairly be 
noticed, and having stated the difficulty we may turn to such argu- 
ments as can be brought up to show that Vishtaspa’s foe, Arejat- 
aspa, belongs rather to the east than to the west. This introduces 
the problem of the situation of Arejat-aspa’s kingdom, and the 
scene of the Holy Wars already alluded to. 

In the Avesta, Arejat-aspa is a Hyaonian (Av. H'yaona, Phl. Xydn).? 
The name h-yaona, according to the ordinarily accepted view, is iden- 
tical with the nation of the classic Chionite.? The identification, 
however, has been doubted by some. The subject is commented on 
by Darmesteter,* and especially by Geiger, and both of these schol- 
ars think (as well as Justi, see footnote) that there is authority 
also for the tradition which places the Hyaonians toward the east, 
even if they were located in the Gilan territory in the time of 
Ammianus Marcellinus (19.1.2). The Shah Namah tradition cer- 
tainly looks upon Arjasp as a Turanian, and places his kingdom 
on the other side of the Jihtin (Oxus), and it makes him despatch 
envoys from the city of Khallakh to Vishtasp (Gushtasp) in Balkh.® 
In the native lexicons, according to Vullers, Khallakh or Khallukh 

1 Le ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii. 

2 See Yt. 9. 30-31, 17. 50-51, 19. 87, 
and the references on p. 104, n. 2. 

8 Spiegel in Sybel’s Histor. Zeit- 
schrift, N. F. 8, p. 18; also other 
writers as noted below. 

4 Darmesteter does not seem certain 
of it in Le ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii seq. ; cf. 
also Geiger in Sitzb. d. K. B. Acad., 
1884, p. 328 seq., and in his Ya@tk@r in 

Sitzb., Mai, 1890, p. 75. Justi allows 
also the possibility of placing the 
Hyaonians in the east on the author- 
ity of Joshua the Stylite ; see Preuss. 
Jahrb. Bd. 88, p. 256 ; but Justi favors 
the west. 

5 Firdausi, Livre des Rois, tr. Mohl, 
iv. pp. 302, 303, 319, 326 bis, 342, 360, 
441, 459, 548, 558. 


(, Js) is described as ‘a great city in Turkestan in the district of 

Khatai’! In any case, it is evident that the kingdoms of Arjasp 
and Vishtasp cannot have been far separated from each other. 
The question of the invasion or invasions may now be taken up. 

According to the sources which the Shih Namah must have made 
use of (and we may infer the same from the Dinkart and Zat-spa- 
ram)? there were, apparently, two separate invasions by Arjasp, 
although the Avesta seems to speak of the war singly as ‘the War 
of Religion.’ The special chapter above on this subject (Chap. IX.) 
should be consulted. The Yatkar-i Zariran alludes only to what we 
may regard as the first of Arjasp’s wars, and lays the scene in the 
neighborhood of the plain of Merv.’ Similarly, in this connection, 
the Shah Namah speaks of the Jihtin or Oxus, and the territory 
adjacent‘ (consult the Map). The scene of the battles of the 
second war was Khorassan, if we follow the Shah Namah and 
notice an incidental allusion in the Biandahishn.? The circum- 
stances of Arjasp’s second invasion need not be repeated; see 
Chapter IX. If we follow the Shah Namah we may presume that 
Vishtaspa, after receiving news of the storming of Balkh, started 
from Seistan to join the forces of his son, Farshidvard, whom he had 
appointed ruler of Khorassin. The first meeting between Vishtasp 
and the invader Arjasp may therefore have resulted in an engage- 
ment in Khorassan. From Firdausi, we may judge that this open- 
ing engagement of the second war, which is evidently counted as a 
part of the Balkh misfortune, was not successful for the Iranians.‘ 
An attempt may be made to locate the scene. 

Now, the Bahman Yasht (3. 9), when speaking of three distinct 
times of crisis and trial in the history of the Religion, says: ‘the 
second was when thou, O Zaratisht the Spitaman! receivedst the 
Religion, and hadst thy conference, and King Vishtasp and Arjasp, 
miscreated by Wrath, were, through the War of the Religion, in the 
combat of Spét-razhtr (“the hoary forest”) ;’ and the text adds a 

1Vullers, Fragmente tiber Zoroas- 
ter, p. 121, where the Persian is quoted, 
and Lexicon Persicum, i. 706, 714. 
See also Steingass, Persian-English 
Dictionary, pp. 467, 471. 

2 See chronological scheme by West, 
SBE. xlvii. p. xxx.; cf. Appendix III. 

8 YZ. § 12. 

# Mohl, tr. iv. 309. 

5 Bd. 12. 32-34, given in full on 
p. 216. 

§ Notice that the Bindahishn (Bd. 
12. 33) acknowledges an occasion 
where there was ‘confusion among 
the Iranians,’ but they were ‘saved’; 
cf. p. 216 below. 


comment: ‘some have said it was in Pars.’! The Avesta mentions 
the ‘ White Forest,’ but not in connection with Arejat-aspa’s name. 
The Spaéitita Razura in the Avesta, is the amphitheatre of the great 
conflict between the earlier Iranian king, Haosrava, and his enemy, 
Aurvasara.? According to Justi, the White Forest is in Kohistan, 
a part of Khorassan (lat. 33, long. 59; consult Map), between Kain 
and Birjand. As a mere conjecture, in order to endeavor to recon- 
cile difficulties, it might be suggested that we have here an allusion, 
perhaps, to the engagement that preceded the last in the war. In 
other words, as the White Forest seems to have been a designation 
covering a good deal of territory, it might be argued that Vishtasp 
pushed onward, then northward to the mountains of Nishaptir and 
Mesh-hed, not far from the high citadel where his son Isfendiar was 

This citadel, as related by the Shah Namah, was the mountain 
fortress of Gumbadan or Gunbedan (yO ).* Its location is 
in Khorassan,> for this fastness of Isfendiar is evidently Mount 
Spento-data of the Avesta (Yt. 19. 6), and Spend-yat of the Pahlavi 
(Bd. 12. 2, 23), situated on the ‘Var of Révand,’ which latter has 
been identified with the Bar mountains, northwest of Nishadptr, in 
an interesting article by Houtum-Schindler.6 The Bandahishn 
adds details of the battle that enable us still further to locate the 
scene where Vishtasp himself had to take refuge in a mountain in 
Khorassan, where he was beleaguered,’ until the heroic Isfendiar is 
released from his chains and gains the victory. All this has been 
described above (p. 119 seq.), but the Bindahishn passage is impor- 
tant enough to repeat it again in full:— 

1 West, SBE. v. 218. As for the 4 Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-I an- 

usage of ‘ Pars,’ it must be remembered 
that Sagastan itself is spoken of asa 
part of Pars in Pahlavi literature (Bd. 
12. 9, 20. 29; see SBE. v. pp. 37, 

2Yt. 15. 31-82; cf. Yt. 5. 49-50; 
Yt. 19. 77. 

8 Justi, Namenbuch, p. 42, ‘ Aurwa- 
sara, Konig am Weissen Wald, d. i. 
Dascht-i Beyat im Kohistan von Qain 
und Birjand, Gegner des Kawa Hus- 
rawa (Kai Xusrau), Yt. 15. 31. Sya 
waSnameh, 252.’ 

dauer, iii. p. 1550, 1. 156; cf. traduc- 
tion de Mohl, iv. pp. 354, 370, 456. 

5 But Mirkhond (tr. Shea, p. 290) 
says he was ‘imprisoned in the For- 
tress of Girdkih, in the district of 
Ridbar.’ To which Shea adds, stating 
that Ridbar is a district of the Jebal 
or Irak Ajemi. 

6 The Identification of Some Persian 
Places, in The Academy, No. 780, p. 
312 seq., May 1, 1886; cf. also Justi, 
Hdbch. d. Zendsprache, p. 305. 

7 For allusions to the ‘mountain,’ 


Bd. 12. 17-18: ‘The Padashkhvargar mountain is that which is 
in Taparistan and the side of Gilin. The Révand mountain is in 
Khiardsén, on which the Birzhin fire was established. (82-34): 
From the same Padashkhvargar mountain unto Mount Kamish, 
which they call Mount Madofryat (‘ Come-to-help ”) — that in which 
Vishtasp routed Arjasp—is Mount Miyan-i-dasht (“mid-plain”), 
and was broken off from that mountain there. They say, in the 
War of the Religion, when there was confusion among the Iranians 
it broke off from that mountain, and slid down into the middle of 
the plain; the Iranians were saved by it, and it was called “Come- 
to-help” by them. The Ganavat mountain is likewise there, on the 
Ridge of Vishtasp (pu3t-i Vistaspan) at the abode of the Burzhin- 
Mitro fire, nine leagues to the west.’! Mount Madéfryat (Come-to- 
help) has been identified by Houtum-Schindler with the mountain 
near the present town of Fariiimad, northward of the high road 
between Abbasaibad and Mazinan, and it is thus evidently a part of 
the Jagatai range.? The Ridge of Vishtasp may be identical with 
the mountains, Binaltid Kuh, running northwest from Nishapir, a 
little to the west of the modern Gunabad (lat. 36. 40; long. 59. 5— 
see Map). The region where the final battle took place, with the 
utter rout of Arjasp and the triumph of Iran over Turan, may be 
regarded as occupying a territory to the east of Mian-i-dasht in 
Khorassain (lat. 36. 30; long. 56.10—see Map, square Gb). The 
caravan road between Mian-i-dasht and Zaidar is still famous to-day 
for marauding attacks of the Turkomans upon pilgrims and travel- 

The location of the sacred fires may be taken up in this con- 
nection. Vishtasp’s special fire, Barzhin Mitré, is in Khorassan as 
already discussed in the pages devoted to the subject of the Sacred 
Fires (Chap. VIII.). From the passage just quoted (Bd. 12. 17- 
18, 32-34) and from Bd. 17. 8 there seems to remain little doubt on 
that point. The Shih Namah implies a similar location, and three 
Mohammedan writers state that the special fire of Zoroaster, which 
is the Birhzin Mitra, was in the neighborhood of Nishapiz. For the 
references, see p. 100. But more important still in connection with 

ef. Mohl, Livre des Rois, iv. 367, 370, 36-87; long. 56-57) on the map in 

378, 384. Curzon’s Persia and the Persian Ques- 
1 West, SBE. v. 40-41. tion, i. p. 245. 
2See The Academy, p. 313, May 1, 8 Curzon, Persia and the Persian 

1886. The town is easily located (lat. Question, i. 276-277, 280-281. 


the ancient pyraea of Zoroastrianism, is the tradition of the 
Bundahishn (Bd. 17. 6) regarding the second famous fire, the fire 
Frobak (Farnbag). This fire originally was located in Khorasmia 
or Chorasmia (Phl. AKhvarizem) on the eastern side of the Caspian 
Sea—the region of igneous oil fountains, and it was removed by 
Vishtasp to the east, to Cabul, or as the text reads: ‘In the reign of 
King Vishtasp, upon revelation from the religion, it was established 
out of Khvarizem, at the Roshan (“shining”) mountain in Kavu- 
listan, the country of Kavul (Kabul), just as it remains there even 
now.’ This latter would make another distinct association of 
Vishtasp with the east.? 

In addition to the central or eastern location of two of the sacred 
fires which are directly connected with Vishtasp’s name, we may 
also recall the story of the cypress which Zoroaster planted to com- 
memorate the event of Vishtdsp’s conversion. This hallowed tree 
was planted at Kishmar in Khorassan, and it is spoken of in the 
Shah Namah as ‘the cypress of Kishmar.’*’ It must also be 
remembered that, according to the Shah Namah, Khorassén was 
under the suzerainty of one of Vishtdsp’s sons, as well as it was 
the amphitheatre of the final Holy War. 

These latter points are of interest also in connection with Floigl’s 
claim that Vishtaspa, of the Avesta, is identical with the historical 
Hystaspes, father of Darius; and that he belonged in the region 
of Hyreania and ancient Parthia. Floigl’s monograph should be 

It may incidentally be added that the Armenian historian, 
Thomas Arzrouni (4.p. tenth century) follows the tradition that 
Zoroaster was the opponent of Ninus and Semiramis and was de- 
feated by them, but Semiramis made him commander of Babylon, 
Khoujistaén, and of all eastern Persia, and he adds, ‘ Zradasht, 
although possessing the countries to the east of Persia, did not cease 
to harass Assyria.’® This would associate him also with the east. 

1 Bd. 17. 6, tr. West, SBE. v. 63. 

2It must be stated, however, that 
the reading Kadvul (Kabul) is ques- 
tioned by Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 154; 
and see the discussion above in Chap. 
VIII. p. 99, n. 4. 

3 Sarv-i Kismar; see Vullers-Lan- 
dauer, Shah Name, iii. 1498-1499, and 

Mohl, iv. 292-298; cf. also Appendix 
II., pp. 163-164. 

4 Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, Leip- 
zig, 1881, e.g. pp. 14, 15, 17, ete. 

5See Brosset, Collection d’Histo- 
viens arméniens, i. 30, St. Péters- 
bourg, 1874. See Appendix VI. § 1 


Furthermore, it should be noticed that Mills upholds the eastern 
region, at least as the place of origin of the Gathas.1 He reviews 
some of the indications which point to the west, as presented 
by Darmesteter; but after examining into the character of the 
civilization, and noticing points of Indo-Iranian unity and like 
ness to the Veda, and judging also from the spirit of the Gathas, 
whose antiquity he emphasizes, Mills is led to believe that ‘the 
scene of the Gathic and original Zoroastrianism was in the north- 
east of Iran, and that the later Avesta was composed during the 
hundreds of years during which the Zarathushtrian tribes were 
migrating westward into Media.’? A discussion of the Avestan cal- 
endar led the Sanskrit scholar Roth strongly to support Bactria.’ 
The younger Iranist Horn favors eastern Iran as the first scene, at 
least, of Zoroastrianism.* On the views of Tiele, see note below.’ 

Résumé of the Eastern View. —.Among various points that may 
be brought up in favor of placing Vishtaspa in eastern Iran, and of 
believing that Zoroaster’s prophetic career, at least, was associated 
chiefly with that territory, is the predominance of geographical allu- 
sions in the Avesta rather to eastern Iran. The Avesta does not 
state where Kavi Vishtaspa’s kingdom was located; but it recog- 
nizes that the Kavi dynasty came from Seistan (Yt. 19. 66 seq.). 
The Iranian tradition which is found in Mohammedan writers is 
almost unanimous in placing Vishtasp’s kingdom in the east, in Bac- 
tria. Among arguments which may be drawn from Pahlavi litera 
ture is the fact that the Bandahishn clearly locates the scene of the 
routing of Arjasp in the territory of Khorassan. One of the sacred 

1 SBE. xxxi. Introd. pp. xxvii-xxx,. 
2 Op. cit. p. xxvii. 
8 Roth, Der Kalender des Avesta, 

also in the genealogical table in his 
article ‘Religions,’ in Encyclopedia 
Britannica, vol. xx. p. 860 (9th ed.), 

us. w., in ZDMG. xxiv. 1-24; ef. 
especially pp. 16-19 (criticised by 
de Harlez; see p. 219 below). 

4Horn, Die Reiche der Meder 
und Perser, in Hellwaldt’s Kulturge- 
schichte, 4 Aufl. i. 322. 

5 Tiele, in his early work entitled 
De Godsdienst van Zarathustra, van 
haar ontstaan in Baktrié tot den val 
van het Oud-Perzische Rijk (Haarlem, 
1864), maintained the Bactrian view 
that was common at the time. So 

and in his Geschiedenis van den Gods- 
dienst, p. 174 (Amsterdam, 1876). But 
now, if I understand his latest view 
aright, he believes in northwestern 
Iran as the cradle at least of the Zoro- 
astrian Reform: ‘Ook ik neig zeer 
tot de meening dat de zarathustrische 
hervorming van noordwestelijk Iran is 
uitgegan’ (Jets over de oudheid van 
het Avesta, Aanteckening, in Mede- 
deeling d. K. Ak. 3 de Reeks, Deel 
XI. Amsterdam, 1895, pp. 384 and 375). 


‘res is connected with Khorassin; another was removed from Kho- 
rasinia to the east. And now that so much has been said in favor 
of eastern Iran, including Bactria, we may pass without comment to 
the west and consider the claims of Media. 

2. Media and the West, or the View that Zoroaster’s Ministry was 
in his Native Country, Western Iran 

It has been indicated sufficiently that a number of specialists, de 
Harlez, Spiegel, Justi, and others, associate the earliest history of 
Zoroastrianism not with Bactria and the east, but alone with Media, 
in its broad sense, and the west. 

C. de Harlez, for example, in treating of the origin and home 
of the Avesta, as noted above, leaves eastern Iran out of considera- 
tion... His discussion of the subject should be read; there is space 
here only to outline the reasons which lead him to confine the 
Avesta and Zoroastrianism to Media. I summarize them from the 
last article mentioned in the footnote: (1) Zoroastrianism and 
the Avesta is the work of the Magi, a tribe of Media, and the Magi 
are the Atharvans (rvpador) of the Avesta. (2) The chief seat of 
the religion was the southern and southeastern coast of the Caspian 
Sea, as shown by the peculiar manner in which the peoples of the 
Caspian region and Hyrcania dispose of their dead. (3) Ragha in 
Media was the chief seat of the priesthood, and Media, therefore, 
was the centre of the Avestan religion. (4) The legend which 
makes Bactria the cradle of Zoroaster’s faith, and claims that Vish- 
taspa was king and ruler of Bactria, is late; it comes, in fact, from 
medieval times. Eastern Iran, in general, remains in the back- 
ground until the time of the Achaemenidae.? Finally (5), the Parsi 
books themselves regard Zoroaster as arising from Media; and, 
even though many medizval sources connect Vishtaésp with Bactria, 
as mentioned, there is not entire consistency in this, for some of 
them place him in Persis. The epitomist Khvandamir, for example, 
in his life of Gushtasp,’ says that this king had the city of Istakhr 

1 See de Harlez’s definite statements 2 For the latter statement, cf. BB. 
on Das alter und heimath des Avestain xii. 110. 
BB. xii. 109-111, and Der Avestische 8 See de Harlez, Av. Kalender und 

Kalender und die Heimath der Avesta-  Heimath, p. 277; Spiegel, HA. i. 698; 
Religion, in Abh. d. Berl. Or. Congr. and Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 
ii. 270-277, Berlin, 1882 (criticising 318 (1st ed.); Ethé in Grundriss d. 
Roth). tran. Philol. ii. 356. 


(Persepolis) as a royal seat—TIstakhr-i Fars ra dar al-mulk kardé- 
did. Again, Beidawi (Life of Gushtasp) says that Zardisht occupied 
a mountain, Naphaht, near Istakhr.1 And Majdi (Zinat al-Majalis), 
after assuming that Zoroaster came from Palestine, adds that he 
gave himself out as a prophet in Adarbaijan.? For these various 
reasons de Harlez concludes: ‘Alles erklart sich, wenn man unter- 
stellt, dass der Zoroastrismus aus Medien stammt; Alles wird 
dunkel, wenn man dessen Wiege in Baktrien sucht.’ 

Spiegel has two or three times specially treated the question of 
the home of the Avesta and its bearing upon the Zoroastrian 
problem.’ In his historical article on Vishtaspa and the Bactrian 
kingdom, in Sybel’s Zeitschrift, he brings up most of the points that 
may be argued in favor of the east,—and these are such as have 
been stated above; he then weighs the west over against them. 
He particularly emphasizes the identification of Arejat-aspa’s nation, 
the Hyaona, with the Chionite, who are to be placed, it is claimed, 
to the west of.the Caspian Sea. Again, he approves rather of de 
Lagarde’s identification of the name and locality, Frazdanava, with. 
the Armenian river Hrazdan; and he points out some other names 
that refer especially to the west. As a result of this, although 
‘Baktra’ is mentioned in the title of his monograph, he inclines to 
favor Media or Arran, rather than Bactria, as the realm of Vish- 
taspa and also as the home of Zoroaster. In his latest article on 
the subject (ZDMG. xlv. 280 seq., 1887), Spiegel points out one or 
two more points to strengthen the western view. An allusion to 
Armenia, for example, is claimed to be found in the Avesta (Yt. 
5. 72). He draws attention also to the association of Hystaspes’ 
name with Media and the west, by Chares of Mitylene (cf. p. 73 
above),* and by Lactantius, who makes Hystaspes a king of Media 
(p. 154 above); and he throws renewed doubts upon the existence 
of the Bactrian kingdom maintained by Duncker.? 

Several other scholars are of like opinion regarding Media and 

1 See also Hyde, p. 313. Reference 
to Istakhr (Persepolis) has been made 
above, pp. 91, 97. 

2 See also Hyde, p. 315. 

8 Spiegel, Vistacgpa oder Hystaspes 
und das Reich von Baktra, in Sybel’s 
Histor. Zeitschrift, N. F. 8, Bd. 44, 
pp. 1-21 (1880). Also Ueber das 
Vaterland und Zeitalter des Awesta, 

in Sitzb. der K. B. Acad. 1884, p. 815 
seq. (1884). Again, ibid. (Zweiter 
Artikel) in ZDMG. xlv. 187 seq. 

4Cf. also his later remarks in 
ZDMG. sli. 295 (1887), xlv. 197 (1891), 
lii, 193 (1898). 

5 ZDMG. xli. 288, 289, 292 seq. 


western Iran. Eugen Wilhelm upholds Spiegel’s identification 
of the Hyaonians with the Chionite and locates them on the west 
side of the Caspian Sea. The associated Avestan word varadaka 
(Yt. 9. 31 = Yt. 17. 51) is likewise a proper name, i.e. Varedhaka, cf. 
Vertae, of Ammianus Marcellinus; and Av. hunu (Yt. 5. 54) desig- 
nates the Huns. Lehmann expresses his opinion very strongly 
that the ancient Vishtdspa was not a Bactrian prince, but that he 
ruled in western Iran, in Media; that Zoroaster had nothing what- 
soever to do with Bactria, where the crude civilization of his time 
would have been unsuited for his teaching, but that Media fur- 
nished exactly the soil that was needed for it to bear fruit. Darme- 
steter several times expressed himself in favor of the west for the 
entire scene of early Zoroastrianism, because he considered the 
Bactrian tradition rather to be late.’ 

Justi. The most recent authority to touch upon the question 
and to uphold the western view is Justi (Die dilteste iranische 
Religion und thr Stifter Zarathushtra).4 A brief summary of the 
deductions on this point in his important treatise is given. The 
numbered divisions are my own: — 

1. The Avesta itself does not place either the home of Zoroaster 
or the kingdom of Vishtaéspa in Bactria, nor mention either name 
in alluding incidentally to the city of Bactria. The rise of the 
Bactrian kingdom was post-Achaemenian. The transferrence of 
Vishtéspa’s capital to Bactria, as is done in later times, is purely 
artificial. Spiegel’s arguments are sufficient to overthrow the whole 
theory of a Bactrian origin of the Iranian religion. 

2. The allusions to the sacrifices by Vishtaspa and Zairivairi on 
the Frazdanava and Daitya, and to Arejat-aspa as a Hyaona, are 
examined in their eastern aspect and in the western light. In 
Justi’s opinion the Daitya may be the Araxes on the northern 
boundary of Adarbaijan, and the Frazdanava is more likely, 
perhaps, to be the Armenian Hrazdan. Acts of worship performed 
in the Adarbaijan territory would be appropriate to Iranians. 

1 Wilhelm, ZDMG. xlii. 96-101. i. 10-138; Zend-Avesta, tr. SBE. iv. 
2Edv. Lehmann, Die Perser in Introd. xlvii-liii (1st ed.); and his later 
Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch statement, p. lxvii (2d ed.), together 
der Religions-Geschichte (neue Aufl.) with Ze ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii, where nu- 
ii. 159-160. See also his comment on meroussuggestions and hints are given. 
Phraortes, p. 156. 4 In Preussische Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, 

3 Darmesteter, Etudes Iraniennes, pp. 255 seq., 1897. 


More weight also is laid on the likelihood of the Chionite being 
placed in the Caucasus region and Gildén. Like the later Huns, 
the invasion of Arejat-aspa may have been made through the moun- 
tainous country to the west of the Caspian Sea. 

3. It is notable that of the three most sacred fires one (Adhar 
Gushnasp) belongs originally to Adarbaijan, one (Adhar Xurrah, or 
Farnbag) to Persis (Istakhr), and one (Adhar Barzhin Mithr) to 
Khorassan, but none to Bactria. Yet see note at foot of this page. 

4. Media was the native place of Zoroaster, and it was also the 
home and realm of Vishtaspa. But Kavi Vishtadspa was not a great 
king, not a ‘king of kings’ (Ane. Pers. asayabiya asayadiyanam) ; 
he was rather a minor prince (dai#hupaiti) of Median Ragha. The 
suggestion is conjecturally put forward that we might, perhaps, 
assume that some great king of Media later accepted the religion 
and made it current in the world. Such a monarch would have been 
the Median Fraoreta (Phraortes) ‘Confessor,’ who may have adopted 
the faith and have thus received a Zoroastrian name. ‘The father of 
Phraortes also had a Zoroastrian name as he was called Kyaxares 
(i.e. HuvaxSatara), beside his ordinary title Dahyauka. 

5. Finally, by way of illustration, Atropates and his successors 
in Atropatene were zealous adherents of Zoroastrianism from 
Achaemenian times, and the Gathas themselves show a religious 
intolerance that still remains typical of the Magi in Sassanian 
times, and is characteristic of the fanaticism that marks the later 
Assassins who likewise had their origin in Atropatene.* I may also 
add that Justi wrote me that it was only after long and careful con- 
sideration that he came to these conclusions and abandoned the 
view that Bactria was the home of Zoroastrianism or that Zoro- 
aster perished there.® 

Additional Arguments. — Some other arguments might be added to 
these already given in support of the west. For example :— 

1. Vishtaspa and Hutaosa in the Avesta both were Naotairyans. 
The comment in Zat-sparam places Notar in the west, sixty leagues 
from Cist, as explained above (p. 193, n.1). If Vishtasp be asso- 

1 Justi, op. cit. p. 257; but with count for their not generally being con- 
regard to the Farnbag fire he seems to nected with that particular region. 
have overlooked the statement in Bd. 2 Cf. op. cit. pp. 259, 256. 

17. 6; see p. 99, n. 4 and p. 217 above. 3 Letters dated Jan. 8, 1897, and 
The question whether Bactria has any June 12, 1897. 
volcanic or petroleum fires might ac- 


ciated with Balkh, one would then have to assume that only his 
family came from the west. It is true that this might be quite pos- 
sible in royal lines, and there actually seems to have been some 
change of dynasty or break in ‘the succession when Vishtasp came to 
the throne, as noted by Justi,! so this argument would not necessarily 
militate finally against the east; it is only a matter of proportionate 
probability. On account of the Ragh and Notar allusion it would 
be convenient to accept Vishtasp as also belonging to the west. 

2. The two Avestan Yasht fragments (Yt. 23. 4, 24. 2) give 
among the blessings which Zoroaster wished might accrue to Vish- 
taspa the boon: ‘Mayest thou be able to reach the Rasha, whose 
shores lie afar, as Vafra Navaza was able.’ According to Darme- 
steter the circumambient stream Raha in the Avesta is to be 
identified with the Tigris.” This might, therefore, be used as a 
ground for placing Vishtispa’s kingdom in the west, but not neces- 
sarily so; the wish of a wide-extended kingdom might hold equally 
good if the star of Vishtaésp’s empire were moving from the east 

8. As the Avesta constantly speaks of idolaters, unbelievers, 
devil-worshippers (daéva-yasna) it might be suggested that Zoroas- 
ter’s reform was especially directed, against the Yezidis, or devil 
worshippers, of the region about the Caspian Sea.* 

4, Arejat-aspa as noted above, p. 211, is represented in the Avesta 
(Yt. 5. 116) as offering sacrifice near the sea Vourukasha (the 
Caspian Sea) — upa zrayé vouru-kasam — asking for victory over 
Vishtaspa and (later addition) Zairivairi. It might be claimed that 
we have Vishtaspa’s enemy not only on the Caspian Sea, but pos- 
sibly on the west side of it, although the expression with upa might 
equally refer to the eastern side of the Caspian which is still occu- 
pied by Turkomans. 

5. A somewhat fanciful conjecture might be made that we may 

1 Justi, op. cit., pp. 246, 252, on a pos- 
sible change of dynasty, and Spiegel, 
ZDMG. xlv. 196-198. Cf. p. 70, n. 2 

2 Te ZA. ii. 382, u. 78, 78; but 
Geiger, OK. map, makes Raha the 

8 On the Yezidis, see Browne, A 
Year Amongst the Persians, p. 522, 

London, 1893; Bassett, Persia, the 
Land of the Imams, pp. 31-33, New 
York, 1886. 

4 The mention of Zairivairi would 
imply that the first invasion is in- 
tended if we follow the division into 
two wars, p. 105. Notice may here 
be taken of what is said of Zariadres 
and his realm on p. 73 above. 


perhaps have an allusion to the west (possibly Persepolis ?) in the 
Dinkart reference to the ‘treasury of Shapigan’ (or Shaspigan, 
Shapan, or Shizigan—for such are the readings allowed by the 
MSS.), in which Vishtasp deposited the original codex of the 
Avesta. As further related in the Dinkart this fell into the hands 
of the Greeks and was translated into their tongue. The treasury 
of the archives is usually associated with Persepolis.’ 

6. Hamzah of Isfahan connects Vishtasp with Persia, for he 
makes him build a city in the district of Darabjard in the province 
of Persia.® 

Résumé of the Western View. — The more general claim in favor 
of western Iran is, that the religion was probably developed in the 
country where Zoroaster himself arose; that in his day Bactria was 
still in the earliest stages of civilization and its name is not con- 
nected either with his or with Vishtasp’s in the older texts; that 
Media, on the other hand, would have been a suitable field for his 
teaching and that the allusions to the west give a more consistent 
theory for ancient times. It is claimed, moreover, that Vishtadspa’s 
foe, Arejat-aspa, belonged to western Iran, on the ground of identi- 
fying the Hyaona with the classic Chionitz and of placing these in 
the Caspian region. Finally, Vishtaéspa was a minor king, and it is 
possible that the Median ruler Fraortes (‘Confessor’) may have 
made Zoroastrianism the national religion of Media. The devil- 
worshippers of the Avesta would answer to the later Yezidis of the 
western territory. 

General Summary 

Although we may agree that Zoroaster by birth arose in western 
Iran, we cannot be equally sure that the chief seat of his activity 
was also there. Both sides of the latter question have been pre- 
sented, as were the former. ‘The classical references (as early as the 
second century A.D.) would imply the possibility of Bactria or the 

1Dk. 3. § 3, 7. 7. 3, n., 5. 3. 4; 
SBE. xxxvii. p. xxxi; SBE. xlvii. pp. 
82, 127. 

2See also Tabari (p. 675, Leyden 
ed.) : ‘ Bishasp sent this (archetype) to 
a place in Istakhr called Darbisht’ 
(vocalization uncertain), Gottheil, Ref- 
erences to Zoroaster, p.37. The same 

is repeated from Tabari by Bundari 
(with reading Zarbisht?) in Hyde, 
Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. pp. 314-316. 
See also above, Chap. VIII., p. 97. 

3 See Hamzah, ed. Gottwaldt, ii. 26, 
and cf. Darab D. P. Sanjana, Geiger’s 
Eastern Iranians, ii. 212, note by 


east, as a scene, as well as of Media (Persia) and the west. This 
fact might be interpreted that he taught in the east, though he arose 
in the west. The Avesta does not decide the case. An allusion to 
the scene of Vishtaspa’s two sacrifices may equally refer to Seistan, 
and to Media and Atropatene. From evidence in Pahlavi literature, 
we know that Zoroaster himself was in Seistan for a while, during 
the early part of his prophetic career. From the same source we 
also know he was in Turan, and the Gathas allude to a Turanian 
adherent. This would seem to speak, in part at least, for eastern 
Iran, even if his patron Vishtaspa ruled in western Iran. From the 
Pahlavi and later Zoroastrian literature, the scenes of the Holy Wars 
would appear to have been located rather toward the east, in Merv 
and Khorassin. On the other hand, the silence of the Avesta on 
some vital points in connection with the east, together with an infer- 
ence that Vishtaspa belonged to the same country as Zoroaster, and 
spoke the same dialect, would argue rather in behalf of western 
Iran. This latter view would be strengthened if the existence of a 
Bactrian kingdom at an early period be doubted. The majority of 
Iranian specialists, perhaps, seem to have felt that a stronger case 
can be made for Media and the west as the scene alike of Zoroaster’s 
activity and his birth. On the other hand, later tradition, which 
includes Mohammedan-Iranian sources, is almost unanimous in pla- 
cing Vishtasp’s kingdom in Bactria, which is claimed to have been 
founded by Lohrasp. Having now presented both sides of the 
question, we may refrain from drawing a conclusion between the two 
views, for the present, and content ourselves with recalling what 
was said at the outset, that Zoroaster was a reformer, and he had a 
mission; in modern times the field of a great missionary’s work is 
not usually confined to a single part of a country, whatever it may 
have been in ancient times. 



CoLtEctTED with the help of my student and friend Louis H. Gray, 
Fellow in Indo-Iranian Languages in Columbia University, to whom 
I wish to express my thanks with sincerity for his constant readi- 
ness to give assistance, especially in collecting the so-called Zoro- 
astrian Logia. His kind aid is much appreciated. — A. V. W. J. 

The list is confined simply to such passages as mention Zoroaster by name. 
Its compass might have been greatly extended if allusions to Magi, Persians, 
Hystaspes, or the like, had been included. 

Much material from the Classics had already been gathered by Barnabé 
Brisson, De Regio Persarum Principatu, Paris, 1590; Hyde, Religio veterum 
Persarum, Oxon. 1700. The first systematic and excellent collection, however, 
of classical references on Persian subjects in general was made by J. F. Kleuker, 
Zend-Avesta, Anhang z. 2ten Bd. 3ter Theil, Leipzig und Riga, 1788. This is 
still one of the standards. A different arrangement of the material is found 
in Rapp, Die Religion der Perser und der iibrigen Iranier nach d. Griechischen 
und Romischen Quellen, in ZDMG. xix. p. 4 seq., xx. p. 49 seq. (translated into 
English by K. R. Cama, Religion and Customs of the Persians, Bombay, 
1876-1879) ; it should be consulted, as it includes also Persian and Magian 
subjects. Consult also Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, pp. 260-313, 
Berlin, 1863 (translated into English by Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra in 
the Gathas, pp. 65-141, Leipzig, 1897). On special classical references, see, 
likewise, Jackson in JAOS. xv. 221-232; xvii. 1-22. 


1. Look for the author under his approximate date given in this list, or consult 
reference by section (§). 

2. Those marked with an asterisk (*) are cited as authorities by other writers or 
are mentioned by them. 

Abdias, in Fabricius, Codex apocryph. Novi Test. i. 402-742, Hamb. 1719. 
See § 50. 

Afer, C. Marius Victorinus (a.p. first half fourth century), ed. Migne, Patrolog. 
Lat. tom. 8. See § 23. 



Agathias Scholiastikos (c. a.p. 5386-582), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 88. 
See § 35. 

Ailios Theon, see Theon. 

Ainaias of Gaza (fl. a.p. 487), ed. Barthius, Leipzig, 1655. See § 34. 

Alcuinus (a.p. 735-804), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 100-101. See § 40. 

Alexander Poluhistor (s.c. first century), see § 4, also cited under Georgios 
Sunkellos, § 41. 

Ammianus Marcellinus (c. a.p. 330-400), ed. Gardthausen, Leipzig, 1874. See 
§ 22. 

Anathemas against Manicheans, see § 42. 

Anonymi Vita Platonis, ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862 (same vol. as Diog. Laert.). 
See under Plato. § 1. 

Apuleius Madaurensis (temp. Antonini Pii), ed. Hildebrand, Leipzig, 1842. 
See § 11. 

* Aristotle (B.c. 384-322), cited under Pliny; Diog. Laert. 

* Aristoxenos (fl. B.c. 318), cited under Origen, Contr. Heer. i. 

Arnobius (c. a.p. 295), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 5. See § 16. 

* Athenokles (date unknown), cited under Agathias. 

Augustinus (a.p. 354-480), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 82-47. See § 28. 

Aurelius Prudentius (a.p. 348-c. 410), ed. in usum Delphini, London, 1824. 
See § 26. 

Basilios (4.p. 329-879), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 29-32. See § 20. 
* Berosos (c. B.c. 250), cited by Agathias. 

Cedrenus, see Georgios Kedrenos. 

Chaldzan Oracles or Zoroastrian Logia, see § 51. 

Chronicon Paschale (4.p. 627, last date), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 92. See 
§ 39. 

Claudianus Mamertus (a.p. fifth century, second half), ed. Engelbrecht, Vienna, 
1885. See § 31. 

Clemens Alexandrinus (a.p. first century, end), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 
8-9. See § 13. 

Clemens Romanus (Bishop of Rome, c. a.p. 91, but probably the works ascribed 
to him to be assigned later), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 1-2. See § 12. 

Cornelius Alexander Poluhistor, see Poluhistor. 

Cotelerius, ed. SS. Patrum, qui temp. apost. floruerunt Opera, Paris, 1672. See 
§ 42. 

Cyrillus Alexandrinus (d. a.p. 444), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 68-77. See 
§ 29. 

* Deinon (date unknown), cited under Diogenes Laertius. 

Diodoros Sikelos (temp. Augusti), ed. Miiller, Paris, 1857. See § 8. 

* Diodoros of Eretria (temp. Augusti), cited by Origen, Contr. Her. i. 

Diogenes Laertios (fir. c. a.p. 210), ed. Cobet, Paris, 1862. See § 15. 

Dion Chrusostomos (born c. a.p. 50), ed. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1857. See § 7. 

Epiphanios (4.p. 320-402), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 41-43. See § 21. 
* Euboulos (date unknown), cited by Porphurios, de Antr. nymph. 


Euchologion, siue Rituale Grecorum, ed. Goarius, Paris, 1647. See under 
Anathemas, § 42. 

* Eudemos of Rhodes (z.c. fourth century), cited by Diog. Laert. 

* Eudoxos (c. 3.c. 366) cited by Pliny; Diog. Laert. 

Eusebios (c. a.p. 264-340), Chronicon, ed. Aucher, Venice, 1818. See § 18. 

Fragmenta Historicorum Grecorum, rec. Miiller, 5 vols. Paris, 1841-1874, 

Geoponica siue Cassiani Bassi Scholastica de re rustica Ecloge (a.p. sixth 
century), ed. Beckh, Leipzig, 1895. See § 36. 

Georgios Hamartolos (c. a.p. 850), Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 110. See § 43. 
See also under Chron. Pasch. 

* Georgios Kedrenos (c. a.p. 1100), see under Chron. Pasch., and also Migne, 
Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121. 

Georgios Sunkellos (a.p. eighth century, last half), ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1829, 
See § 41. 

* Gregorios (c. A.D. 829-389), cited by Mich. Glukas. 

Goarius, ed. Evxoddyov, Paris, 1647. See § 42. 

Gregorius Turensis (a.p. 588-593), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 71. See § 37. 

Hamartolos, see Georgios Hamartolos. 

* Hekataios (d. c. B.c. 476), cited by Diog. Laert. 

* Hellanikos of Lesbos (c. B.c. 496-411), cited by Georg. Sunkell. 

* Herakleides of Pontos (c. B.c. 860), cited by Plutarch, Adv. Colot., cf. also 
Anathemas and Petros Sikelos. 

Herennios or Philo of Byblos, see under Eusebios. 

* Hermippos (c. B.c. 200), cited by Pliny ; Diog. Laert. ' 

* Hermodoros Platonikos (z.c. fourth century), cited by Pliny ; Diog. Laert. 

* Herodotos (c. B.c. 484-420), cited by Georg. Sunkell. 

Hieronymus (4.p. 331-420), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 22-30. See § 24. St. Victore (d. a.p. 1141), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 175-177. 
See § 46. 

Isidorus (c. a.p. 570-636), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 81-84. See § 38. 

S. Iohannes Chrusostomos (a.p. 354-407), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 47-64. 
See § 25. 

Iohannes Ludos (born c. a.p. 490), ed. Bekker, Bonn, 1827. See § 82. 

* Johannes Malalas (a.p. sixth century, first part), see wnder Chron. Pasch. and 
also Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 97. 

Iustinus (temp. Anton. ?), ed. in usum Delphini, London, 1822. See § 10. 

Iulius Solinus, see Solinus. 

Kassianos Bassos, see Geoponica. 

Kedrenos, see Georgios Kedrenos. 

* Kelsos (a.p. second century), cited by Origen, Contr. Cels. i. 
* Kephalion (a.p. second century), cited by Georg. Sunkell. 


* Klearchos of Soli (n.c. fourth century), cited by Diog. Laert. 

* Ktesias (fr. B.c. 398), cited by Diodoros Sikelos ; Georg. Sunkell. 

Kurillos Alexandrinos (d. a.p. 444), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 68-77. See 
§ 29. 

Logia of Zoroaster, so-called, § 51. 
Lukianos (temp. Antoninorum), ed. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1858. See § 9. 

Magika Logia of Zoroaster, so-called, see § 51. 
Michael Glukas (a.p. twelfth century, first half), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 
158. See § 47. 
Migne edition, Patrologizs Cursus Completus, Series Greca, Paris, 1857-1866. 
tomm. 1-2 Clemens Romanus (Bishop of Rome c. a.p. 91). 
He 8-9 Clemens Alexandrinos (end of first century a.p.). 
ae 11-17 Origenes (a.p. 185-254). 
fs 29-32 Basilios (a.p. 329-379). 
ee 41-43 Epiphanios (a.p. 320-402). 
us 47-64 S. Iohannes Chrusostomos (a.p. 354-407). 
ee 68-77 Kurillos Alexandrinos (d. a.p. 444). 
ee 80-84 Theodoretos Kuraios (d. a.p. 457). 

ie 87 Prokopios Gazaios (end of fifth century A.D). 

ee 88 Agathias Scholastikos (c. a.p. 586-582). 

Be 92 Chronicon Paschale (last date a.p. 627). 

ce 97 Iohannes Malalas (early part of sixth century a.p.). 

‘¢ 101-104 Photios (c. 820-c. 891 a.p.). 

ek 104 Petros Sikelos (forgery of twelfth century a.p.? vide Krum- 
bacher, Gesch. der byzant. Lit.?, Miinchen, 1897, p. 78). 

BS 110 Georgios Hamartolos Monachos (wrote c. a.p. 850). 

ee 121 Georgios Kedrenos (end of eleventh century a.p.). 

Fs 158 Michael Glukas (a.p. twelfth century, first half). 

Migne edition, Patrologiz Cursus Completus, Series Latina, Paris, 1878-1879. 
tom. 5 Arnobius (c. a.p. 295). 

te 8 C. Marius Victorinus Afer (a.p, fourth century, first half), 

“ 22-30 Hieronymus (a.p. 331-420). 

ee 31 Orosius (a.p. fifth century, first half). 

we 82-47 Augustinus (a4.p. 354-480). 

ee 71 Gregorius Turensis (a.p. 538-593). 

$6 81-84 Isidorus (c. a.p. 570-636). 
‘100-101 Alcuinus (a.p. 735-804). 
«175-177 Hugo de St. Victore (ob. a.p. 1141). 
is 198 Petrus Comestor (d. a.p. 1178). 

Nikolaos of Damascus (8.c. first century), cites Xanthus of Lydia. See § 2. 

Oracles of Zoroaster, see § 51. 
Origenes (a.p. 185-254), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 11-17. See § 14 


Orosius (a.p. fifth century, first half), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 31. 
See § 27. 
* Ostanes, cited under Pliny ; Eusebios. 

* Panodoros (fl. a.p. 400) ctted under Georg. Sunkell. 

Petros Sikelos (forgery of twelfth century a.p.? vide Krumbacher, Gesch. der 
byzant. Lit.2, Miinchen, 1897, p. 78), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 104. 

Petrus Comestor (d. a.p. 1178), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 198. See § 49. 

* Philon of Byblos (a.p. second century, first half), cited by Eusebios. 

Photios (c. a.p. 820-891), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 101-104. See § 44. 

Platon (s.c. 427-348) and Scholia, ed. Baiter, Orelli, Winckelmann, Ziirich, 1839. 
See § 1. 

Plinius Secundus (a.p. first century), ed. de Grandsagne, Paris, 1827-1832. 
See § 5. 

Ploutarchos (c. a.p. 46-120), Vitee ed. Déhner, Paris 1857-1862. See § 6. 

Ploutarchos (c. a.p. 46-120), Scripta Moralia ed. Diibner, Paris, 1841-1865. 
See § 6. 

Poluhistor, see Alexander Poluhistor and Solinus Polyhistor. 

Porphurios (a.D. 283-806), de Antro Nymph. ed. Herscher, Paris, 1858. See § 17. 

Porphurios (a.p. 283-306), Vita Protag. et Plotini, ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862. 
See § 17. 

Prokopios Gazaios (a.p. fifth century, end), ed. Migne Patrolog. Gr. tom. 87. 
See § 33. 

Prudentius, see Aurelius Prudentius. 

Scholiasticus Bassus, see Geoponica. 

Scholion to Plato, see § 1. 

* Simakos = Symmachos (a.p. fourth century ?), see under Agathias, ii. 24. 

Solinus Polyhistor, C. Iulius (a.p. third century), ed. Salmasius, Utrecht, 1689. 
See § 19. 

Suidas (believed to be a.p. tenth century, but date not known), ed. Kuster, 
Cambridge, 1705. See § 45. 

Sunkellos, see Georgios Sunkellos. 

Theon Smernaios (temp. Hadriani), in Walz’s Rhetores Greci, Stuttg. u. 
Tiibingen, 1832-1836. See § 8. 

Theodoretos Kuraios (d. a.p. 457), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 80-84. 
See § 30. 

* Theodoros of Mopsuestia (a.p. sixth century), cited by Photios. 

Theologoumena Arithmetika, ed. Ast, Leipzig, 1817. See § 48. 

* Theopompos (fl. B.c. 338), cited by Diog. Laert.; Ainaios of Gaza. 

Victorinus, see Afer. 

Xanthos of Lydia (s.c. fifth century), cited by Nikolaos of Damascus ; Diog. 

* Zoroaster, cited under Pliny ; Clemen. Strom. ; Origenes ; Eusebios, Prep. Ev. ; 
Ainaias of Gaza ; Geoponica. 
Zoroastrian Logia, so-called, see § 51. 


§ 1. Platon 
(B.C. 427-847) 

Alkibiades Protos, 121 E-122 A (a spurious work, perhaps 
by Alexamenos of Teos, an elder contemporary of Plato and the first 
to compose Socratic dialogues. See Bergk, Griechische Literatur- 
geschichte, Berlin, 1887, iv. 469): émeday dé Errérets yevwvrae of raises, 
2 \ Vo “A. 2s \ , , n ar en s 
émi tous irmous Kal ei Tovs TovTwy dSidacKdAous oirdou, Kal emi Tas Onpas 
dpxovrat tévat. Sis éwrd dé yevopevov érdv rév watda rapadapBdvovow ods 
exeivor BacrAcious radaywyovs dvoudfovow* «ict b¢ éfercypévor Tlepodv of 
dpiorot Sdgavres év pAtkia rérrapes, 6 Te Goputatos Kal 6 dixatdraros Kai 6 

 § ££ 2 , & < x ig - * 
cwhpovecraros kal 6 dvdpedraros. dv 6 pev payday te diWdoKe Thy Zwpo- 
datpov Tov ‘Opoudfov,! — gore 8& rodTo Oey Oepareia, — Siddoxe Se kal Ta 
Baciwind: 6 dt Sixatdraros aAnGevey Sia ravrds Tot Biov, K.7.A. 

Scholion on the First Alkibiades: émréras] 7 da 76 Tov 
Adyov rére dpxecOar TeAcodoOar, 7 Sia 7d Tov Zwpodatpyy C' yevopevov érdv 
owwmpoat, ira peta dN’ xpdvous eEyyjoacba TG Bacirel THs dAns Pirocodias, 
} Os 78 MiOpa oiketov tov L' dpiOdv, dv Siaepdvrus of époa oéBovow. 

Zwpoderpys apyadrepos éLaxirxiAiors ereow elvae éyerar TlAdtwvos: dy 

e ‘oe ¢ My nw 2 nn c XX X / , > Fd ¢ 
ot wey “EXdXnva, of 88 rOv ex THS twep Tiy peydrAyv OddrAaccay Hre(pov wpyuy- 

t Ags a , ee 7 a > a t 2 id 

pévev [aida] pact, wacdy te copia mapa Tod dyafod Saimovos expabelv, 

a > fal # bod ie ° © ‘ ‘ / 
touvréot émituxots voxpatos: ov dy eis EAAQUKYVY Hwy perappalducvov 
Tovvopa Tov dotpoburnv Sydot. TysHoul Te airov THY avakexwpyKviay d.a- 

bs! an lal * ‘\ A a 2 ee 3 ad , , / 
yoynv trav ToANGY, kal 8) THY TOV eudxwY aroxny, TVYypappard Te Suddopa 
Katadurely, €& dv Kal Setxvvoar tplia pepn pirocodias elvar Kat adrdv, 
voikdy, oikovopcKev, woXtTiKdy. 

Scholion to the Republic, X. p. 600 B: Tvéaycpas Mvy- 
odpxov daxrvdtoyAvgov, Tuppyvds. veds d¢ dy HAOev ex Tuppyvav eis Séuov, 
kal Sujxovce Pepexvdous Tod Supiov, elra “Eppodduavros, ev Sauw daudory, 
elra, “ABdpi8os tod “YrepBopéov kal Zaparos tod Mayov. ch? ots id 
Aiyurriwv kai Xaddaiwv éraidevOy. 

Anonymi Vita Platonis, ed. Westermann, p. 7 (Paris, 1862): 
pepabynkas d¢ [sc. 6 TAdroy] dre tiv dpxynv elxov ras hiAocodias of Tvba- 
yopeor dard Aiydarov, HAGE eis Alyumroy, kal xaropOwoas exeive THY yewper- 
play kat Thy icparixny dvexspnoev. tr’ eXOdv cis Powikyv weprérvyey éxetoe 
Tlepoats kai guabe rap’ avrots ryv Zwpodarpov mawelav. 

1 Two Parisian MSS. (1811, 1812 — Becker's E, F) read dpotduov. 


§ 2. Xanthos (s.c. Fifth Century), quoted by Nikolaos of 
Damascus (s.c. First Century) 

This entire passage is in Nikolaos of Damascus (s.c. first century) (Miiller, 
FGH. iii. 409). Xanthos wrote B.c. 465-425 (cf. Christ, Griech. Litera- 
turgesch.2 278; Bergk, op. cit. 240) (in Miiller’s Fragm. Hist. Gree. i. 
pp. 36-44). 

Fragm. 19 (Miller, p. 42): Kpotow pév oty taxd oréyacpa roppupoiy 
¢ £ a NX 3 , x + € . / \ Fé A 
tarepéretvov: tots 6é dvOpdmos TH pey td Eddov Kat AalAamos raparropé- 
vos, Ta O¢ Ud THY doTpaTGv, KaTaraToupEevols bd TaY immTwV TpaxvVoLevev 

\ ‘ és lal a , Lg 9 ‘ y a 
mpos Tov Wodoy tav Bpovray, Sefuara Satpdvia évérerrev, Kal ot Te Tis 
DuBvrAdAns xpnopol kat Ta Zwpodorpov Adyta cioyjer. Kpotcoy pev ovv éBdwv 
wa a Xx / a > bY ¥ F + a uf 
értu padrov % wdAa odley: adrol d¢ xatamrimrovres eis yiv mpocexvvour, 
> - te a a 2 , ‘ 4 a # y 
etpeveray Tapa Tov Oeod airovpevor. acl dé Twes DadrHv mpoeddpevov éx 
Twev onpewy ouBpov yevnodmevov Kal dvapevev THv @pav exeivnv. Tov 
ye pv Zwpodorpyv Tepoa da’ exeivov Sieirav, pare vexpovs xaiew, pyr’ 
dAAws piaivey mip, kal mada TotTo Kabeoras TO voutpov Tore BeBaw- 

H Ps pep 


See also Xanthos cited below under Diogenes Laertios, § 15. 

§ 3. Diodoros Sikelos 
(Wrote in the Reign of Augustus) 

Lib. I. 94. 2: kat wap’ érépois 8 wAcloow eOveot wapadédoras rodro 76 
ta a 3 td € P QA cal 3 lal my f tal a 
yevos Tis érwoias trdpos kal roddAGv ayabayv airvov yevérOan Tois TerHeior 
nN N Ds i ts Za : « a ar) 03 bY ¢ 
mapa pev yap tots Aptavots Zabpavaryy icropovor tov dyabdv Saiuova mpoc- 
, ‘ ve > a * xX XX lal s f ra ~ 
moncacba Tovs vouovs aitG diddvat, rapa dé rots dvopacouevors Térais roils 
arabavarilover Zddpokw aoatrus tHyv Kownv ‘Eoriav, rapa Se rois ‘Tovdators 
a = 
Movojy tov “lad émixadovpevoy Oedv, K.7.X. 

> » 
II. 6.1-2: 6 8 otv Nivos pera tooadrys Suvdpews orparedoas eis THY 
B ‘ > , 3 t loa ’ ‘ a» N 
axtpiaviy qvaykdlero, Succ BdrAwv' ray rérwy Kal orevav dvTwy, Kata 
Zt * x our (3 xX AY x a ‘ , 
Pépos ayew tyv Ovvayv. 4 yop Baxrpiavy xdpa wodAats Kal peydraus 
> A / rl 53 s 2 , 2 * if, > & 
oikoupévy médeot, piav pev elyev eripavertaryy, ev y ouveBawvey elvar Kat 
> a 
7a Bacihea- airy 8 éxadeiro pev Baxrpa, peydber Se Kal TH Kara TH 
ra a a 
dxpdrodkw dxupétyte TOAD macy duépepe. Bacrredwv 8 adris ’Ofvaprns* 
karéypaibey dravtas Tovs év HAtkia orpateias dvras, of Tov apiOpov AOpoicOy- 
> , 15, 2 \ s \ , \ to} 4 
cay cis TerTapdKovra pupiddas. dvahaGov ovv rHv Suvamuy Kal Tots Todeulots 

1 Gilmore, dvondrAwv. 
2 Codd. A, B, D, ’Egadprys; F, 6 Zadprys ; G, M, 6 Zadprns (Gilmore). 


> ¥ ® XN > , my , ~ ~ # a > ~ 
dmavtnoas tept Tas elo Bords, elace pépos THS TOD Nivov orparias cicBadeiv. 
érel § okey ixavoy droBeBykévat tv woAcuiav TAHOos cis TO Tediov, eLerake 
XX 3N7 ta - X\ , > lal € ‘\ a > 
tiv idiav Svvapw. yevouévyns 88 pdxys icxupas of Baxrpiavol rods "Acov- 
pious Tpedevor Kat Tov Siwypoy pexpe TOV trepKemevwy SpOv roryodpevot, 
, aA Fs > Fé , % Me, a , a Fs 
duefOeipay r&v modepiwv cis Seka pupiddas. pera S¢ radra mdoys THs Suvd- 
> , , a ia kA ta > , C4 
pews cioBadovoys kparovpevor Tos TAYOeot, Kara wéAES arreXHpNTaY, EKacToL 
aA 297 3 la a XN = 4 4 2 3 , - eA 
tats idtas rarpiot BonOyoovres. Tas pev ovy dAAas 6 Nivos éxetpwoaro fadius, 
‘ X -: ‘ X\ > a & X > > Lal x 3 4 x 
Ta d¢ Baxtpa did re THY GxuporyTa Kal Tas év aitH mapacKevas HOvvaTE KarTd. 
td € a ¥ 1 be fe! a Pa € an , ny 
Kparos éXelv. moAuxpdvou! b& ris moAtopKias yevonevyns 6 THs Deptpapdos 
Gyyp épwrixds exwv pds THY yuvaika Kat cvoTparevdpevos TG Bacirel, pere- 
io ‘ » ¢ * f & , 7 tat + tal ] 
méuibaro ty avOpwrov. 4 S€ ouveret Kal TOAMN Kal Tols GAAOLs Tots Tpos 
2 A id 4 ‘A & > ty rd 6 XN dé 
emipdveay ouvreivover Kexopyynpevy, Katpov edaBev erideiEacOar tiv idiav 
s La n . > a € cal eQn it Pa xX 
dperyv. mpaTov pev ovv TOAAGY HucpOv Sddv pédAAovoT|a Staropever Oar gTroAnV 
2 e 7 * > 5c id a “ 3 ig > 4, 
éraypatevcaro, 8 ys otk Av SiayvOvae Tov mepiBeBAynmévov mérepov avyp 
+ Dy z + a> »* 2 «4 , x 2 a , € 
cor 7} yuvy. avtry & iv evdypyoros airy mpds Te Tas ev Tols Kavpaow ddo- 
moptas, eis TO Siarnpyoat Tov TOU odparos xpaTa, kal mpods Tas ev TO TpaTTEW 
ad ra 4 s #£ => | , * ‘A Ud 4 
3 BovdAotro xpeias, edxivytos ovoa Kal veaviKy. Kal Td GUVOAOY ToTa’TH TIS 
> a > Lal ie oo a ¢ ay ‘© , aA , ~ XX 
érqv aith xapis doO tvorepov Mydovs Fynoapévous rHs Acias, popely THv 
4 lA N >. Ay ¢« , ra s . > 
Depipdpudos oroAyv, kal pera tad” duotws Udpaas. saparyevopévy 8 eis 
tiv Baxrpiavyv, Kat KatacKkeapevy Ta mepl THY ToALopKiay, wpa KaTa pey 
‘ J ¥. AY 3 ¥ ~ 4 Xx , ‘ XX % 
7a media Kal Tos evepddos TOY Térwv TpooBoAds ywomevas, mpos Se TH 
> /, > ¥ , QA ‘\ 3 4 xX ‘\ oy 3 4 
axpomoAw ovdéva mpoctdvra, Suk THY 6xupdTHTa* Kal TOUS évoov dmroAeAoLTOTAS 
.. 2 n2 , \ a no Na ’ a 
Tas evravfor*® pudakds, Kal mapemBonOotvras Tots éml TOV KaTw TELY@Y KLVdU- 
vevovot. didmep wapadaBotoa tav oTpatiwr&y Tovs merpoBaretv ciwGdras, 
‘ = i ad ~ ¢ wn td ta 
kal pera TovTw did Tivos xaAerhs Pdpayyos tpocavaBaca, KareAdBero pépos 
THs axpordAews, Kal Tots woALopkovct TO KaTa Td Tediov Telxos éonunver. ot 
> * & na v3 a La Ea 2s . QA ¥ \ 
& &dov emi ry katradype THs akpas KaramAayévres, eSéAurov ra. Teixy, Kat 
Tis Twrnpias améyvwcar. 

§ 4. Kornelios Alexander Poluhistor, quoted by Other Writers 
(@.c. First Century) 

Fragmm. 138-139, apud Clem. Alex. Strom. I. 15 (tom. i. col. 776, 
ed. Migne) et Cyrill. adv. Iul. IV. p. 1383 (tom. ix. col. 705, ed. 
Migne): ’Ar£avdpos 8 ev 1B wept Wvayopixdv cvpBddrtwv Nalaparo 
7G "Acovpiw pabyretoat toropet tov TvOaydpov (ClelexupA todrov wyotvrat 
tives, ovK eorre 8 ws Greta, SyAwOyoerat), axnKodva Te wpds TovTors Tadarav 
kat Bpaxpdvwv tov IvOaydpav BovdAcrat. ioropet yotv "Adé~avdpos 6 

1 Miiller, roAvxpovfou. 2 Miiller, évraiéa. 


Lad a , 2 
érikAnv Tlodvicrwp & rd rep TvOayopixdv ovpBdrwv *Acovpiv rd yévos 
my cal , an ‘ , 
dvr. TO Lapa Horyoa tov Ivbaydpav. 

See also under Georgios Sunkellos, § 41. 

§ 5. C. Plinius Secundus 
(a.v. 28-79). 

Nat. Hist. VIL 15: Risisse eodem die quo genitus esset unum 
hominem accepimus Zoroastrem. eidem cerebrum ita palpitasse, ut 
impositam repelleret manum futurae praesagio scientiae. 

XI. 97: Tradunt Zoroastrem in desertis caseo uixisse, ita tempe- 
rato ut uetustatem non sentiret. 

XVIII. 55: Adiecit iis Accius in Praxidico ut sereretur, cum luna 
esset in Ariete, Geminis, Leone, Libra, Aquario. Zoroastres sole 
duodecim partes Scorpionis transgresso, cum luna esset in Tauro. 

XXX. 2.1: Sine dubio illic orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter 
auctores conuenit. sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius non satis 
constat. Eudoxus, qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam utililissi- 
mamque eam intelligi uoluit, Zoroastrem hune sex millibus annorum 
ante Platonis mortem fuisse prodidit. sic et Aristoteles. Hermippus 
qui de tota ea arte diligentissime scripsit, et uicies centum millia 
uersuum a Zoroastre condita, indicibus quoque uoluminum eius posi- 
tis explanauit, praeceptorem, a quo institutum diceret, tradidit Azo- 
nacem ipsum uero quinque millibus annorum ante Troianum bellum 
fuisse. mirum hoc in primis durasse memoriam artemque tam longo 
aeuo, commentariis non intercedentibus, praeterea nec claris nec con- 
tinuis successionibus custoditam. quotus enim quisque auditu saltem 
cognitos habet, qui soli cognominantur, Apuscorum et Zaratum Medos, 
Babyloniosque Marmarum et Arabantiphocum, aut Assyrium Tarmo- 
endam, quorum nulla extant monumenta?... primus quod extet, 
ut equidem inuenio, commentatus de ea Osthanes, Xerxem regem 
Persarum bello, quod is Graeciae intulit, comitatus; ac uelut semina 
artis portentosae sparsisse, obiter infecto, quaacumque commeauerat, 
mundo. diligentiores paulo ante hune ponunt Zoroastrem alium Pro- 
connesium.... est et alia Magices factio, a Mose et Iamne et 
Iotape Iudeis pendens, sed multis millibus annorum post Zoroastrem. 

XXXVII. 49: Celebrant et astroitem, mirasque laudes eius in 
magicis artibus Zoroastrem cecinisse, qui circa eas diligentes sunt, 


Tbid. 55: Zoroastres crinibus mulierum similiorem bostrychiten 

Ibid. 57: Daphniam Zoroastres morbis comitialibus demonstrat. 

Ibid. 58: Exebenum Zoroastres speciosam et candidam tradit, 
qua aurifices aurum poliunt. 

§ 6. Ploutarchos 
(About a.p. 46 to about a.p. 120) 

Vit. Numae, IV.: dpa oty déidv eon, radra ovyywpotvras emt rovrwy 
dmoretv, ei Zarctxw cal Mivw xal Zwpodorpy cat Nowa wal Avxodpye, 
- lal 7 3 a ? ‘ 24 2 ra - 
Bactrcias xvBepvOor kal wodteas Siaxocpotow, eis 7d aitd époira 16 
Sarpdviov ; 

De Isid. et Osir. XLVI.: kal Soxe? rodr0 roils wAciorois Kal copw- 
¥ # ‘X € XN xX > - , 3 #. x x 
Taos. vopilovor yap ot pev Oeovs elvar Sv0, kabdrep dvtiréxvous: Tov pev 
dyabay, tov d& pavrwy Syytovpydv. of S& Tov pev duetvova, Oedv, tov Se 
¢ , nan oo ta € , a - 
érepov, Saipova kadovow: domep Zwpdacrpis 6 pcyos, Ov mevraKioxiAcors 
ot ~ cal ta , e cal hal » 2 ts 
great TOV Tpwixdv yeyovéva rpecBirepov icropodow. otros ody éxdhet 
‘Q X af ¢ XN 3 9 4 \ 1d ‘ X > 4 
tov pev ‘Opopalyy, tov 8 "Apeudviov: Kal mpocamepaivero, Tov prev éouxé- 

\ in a ® o a x 8 a x / K t 2 vl id 
var huti pdidiora tov aicOyrdv, Tov 8 euradw oxdtw Kal dyvoig, pécov 
& duotv tov MiOpnv evar. 8:5 cal MiOpyv Tépoa tov Meoirny évoud- 
M4 2 25/3, é a N 2 a 08 \ , a Ss 2 t y 
over edidase TH prey edxrata Pvew Kal yapiorypia, TO 8 darorpdérata Kat 
x , Cs ig y” ra * a x go 

oxvopwrd. méav yap twa KérrovtTes "Opwpe kadoumevyy év dApw, Tov aOonV 
2 aA ‘ \ , = # 7 e. 4 > 
dvakadobvrat Kai Tov oKdrov: elra pigavres aipware AvKov chayévros, eis 
£ 2 i 2 £ “ £¢ ed DY lal lal / < “ 
romov avnALtoy exépovart Kal pimTovat. Kal yap TOY PuT@v vouilovar Ta pev 

~ % cal a ®. XX a a , > XN an # g ¥. 
Tod dyaGod Geod, Ta. 8& Tod Kaxod Saipovos elvat: Kat Tov Cdwv, domep Kivas 

, # \ # a. ot a 3 sen a be ts ‘ 2S 
kal dpviOas Kal yepoaious éxivous, Tov dyafot* Tod S€ havdAov, Tods évidpous 
as a \ \ A f ty 4 
elvat* Oud kat Tov Kretvayra wAeorous edvdatpovilovow. 

De defectu Oraculorum, X.: éuoi dé doxotor rAciovas Aioar 

x. A > t € X na 5 Pa fe 2 4 na + 3s vA 
kat peilovas dmopias of 7d Tav Saydvuv yévos ev pécw Oedy Kal avOpd- 
mwv, Kal Tpdrov Twa THY KoWwwviay yuadv ocuvdyov eis TadTd Kal ouvdmToV 
> , mW ¢ cal 4. - « rd o£ > W 
éEevpovres elre podywv tov rept Zwpodorpyvy & Aédyos ovTds ear, «ire 
0) , > ? "0 tg > Ai: ba nx ® “4 = £ 6 tal 
paxtos am’ “Opdéws, ett Aiytmrrios,  Ppvyws, Os Texpoipouefa rats 
€ s ~ * - ‘ x a ie cat ry 
éxatépwht Tederais dvapeurypéva, TOAAG OvyTa kal révOiua trav dpyiafo- 
pévav kat Spwuevwv lepdv dpavres. 

. ¥ 
Quaest. Conviv. IV. 1.1: od yap euepripyy, ctrev 6 Pirwv sre 
e cn 3 ¥ € a ba Ld a“ / » 
Swodorpoy Huiv brorpépe 6 Birtvos, dv hace pyre word xpyodpevoy GAAw 
¥ ‘ 

par Oéopate wAHY  yaAaKros Sia Biaoa. wavra tov Biov. 


Ibid. IV. 5. 2: kat cd dv ris Alyumrious airudro ris roravrys ddoyias ; 
¢ \ . ye a So3 Q N t \ 
drov kal rods TIv@ayopixods ioropovor Kal dAexrpvova Aevxdv oéBecOar, Kat 

4 5 
tov Oadrarrivy padiora tpfyAns Kal axadypys aréxerOar* rods 8 dd Zwpo- 
doTpov pdyous Tidy pev ev Trois pdduora. Tov XEpoatov exivov, éxPaipey Se 
Tous évvdpous pis, Kal tov dmoxreivovta mAéeiorous PeopiAy Kal paxdproy 
vomicerv ; 

De Animae Procreat in Timaeo, II. 2: kal Zapdras 6 Iv6a- 
yopov Siddckados tavrnv [sc. dudda] perv exddret Tod dpiOuod pyrépa, 7d dé ev 
marépa* Sid kai Bedriovas eivar TGv apiOuay, door TH povadds mpoceoikact. 

Ibid. XXVII. 2: .. . dvdyxnv iv cipappévyv of rodAol Kadodow- 
"EpredoxAjs 8é pidiay dod Kat vetkos* “HpdxAetros 8%, radivtporoy dppoviny 

pareBoxNj ye p , poroy dpyovln 
Koop.ov, Oxwomep Avpys Kat TOSov* Tlapwevidys 8& his kal oxdros+ *Avaga- 

a <! a ‘ 2 rs rg XN > XN 7 ‘ ‘ >, 
yopas S& vodv kai darepiav: Zwpodorpys S& Gedy Kal Saipova, tov prev ‘Qpo- 
paodnv kadav, tov & "Apepaviov. 

Advers. Coloten, XIV. 2: ot yap dv ris douyjrov 7d BiBXov 
éypages; iva Tatra cuvrieis Ta eykAnpara py Tols éxeivov cuvTéypacw 
2. # 2 > tf 2 a > V4 ‘\ ‘ > a ‘ ‘ ~ 
evrvxns, pyd avarddBns cis xeipas “Aptororé\ovs Ta mepl ovpavod Kal Ta Tept 
Woyijs, Oeoppdorov dé 7a wpds Tors puorxods, ‘HpaxAcidov! dé rov Zwpo- 
dorpyy, To wept Trav év adov, TO wept Tay Pvotkds dropoupévov, Atxarapyou 
8 ra wept Wuxijs, év ois mpds TA Kupudtara Kal pepota TOV guoiKGy tre 
voytiovpevot TO TlAdrav Kai paxduevor SiareAodor. 

§ 7. Dion Chrusostomos 
(Born about a.p. 50) 

Borysthenica Orat. XXXVI. (vol. ii. p. 60 f., ed. Dindorf) : 
76 8¢ ioxupdy Kai TéAEtov appa Tod Ards ovdels dpa vpvycey dkiws Tav THOdE 
ovre "Opnpos ove “Hoiodos, d\AG Zwpodotpys Kat pd-ywv matdes dSovot map’ 
éxeivou pabovres* dv lépoat A€yovow épwrt codias Kat Sixatocdvys droye- 
pyoayvta tov dAAwy Kal? atrov éy dpe tut Liv- ererta adOyvat To pos 
mupos Gvwbev moAAOD KatacKyWavtTos cuvexGs Te kdecOat. Tov odv Bactréa 
atv Tols éAAoyyuwrdrors Tlepodv adixvetoOat wAnoiov, BovrAdopevov edvfacbat 
7 Oed* kat tov dv8pa éLedOeiv €x Tod wupds draby, pavévra Se adrois Thewy 
Oappety kedetoat Kal Oioar Ovoias Tiwds, ws yKovTos eis Tov TOTOV TOD Geol. 
ovyyiyverOai re pera Tatra otx dmacw GAAG Tots dpiota mpos dAjOeay 
mepvuxoot Kat Tod Oeod cuvievae Suvapevors, ovs Tlépoar ptyous éxddecev, 

1On Herakleides of Pontos, cf. Bahr, in Pauly’s Real-Encyclopadie, 
Miller, Fragm. Hist. Gree. ii. 197 ff.; iii, 1142-1144. 


lal bad 
emiotapévous Oepamevey To Satpovioy, odx ws “EAAnves ayvoig Tov évopaTos 
ovtws dvondlovaw dvOpdmous yoytas. 

§ 8. Ailios Theon 
(Flourished about a.p. 125 ?) 

Progymnasmata, 9: od yap & Tourpis 7 Macoayéris, } Srapédpa 
<> ? a , 4 ‘x iy 2 ‘ , x ‘ ‘ ‘ 7 
 Apayou Tod Sdkwy Baotréws yuvy kpeitrwv eort Kupov, 7 Kat val pa Aia 
Seuipapis Zopodorpov rot Baxrpiov, yoy svyxwpytéov kal To OAV Tod 
Gppevos etvat dydpecrepov, meas pev 7 Ovo yuvatkGy dvdpeordrwy otcdy, 
dppévov 8 maproAdGv. 

§9. Lukianos 
(Flourished about a.p. 160) 

Nekuomanteia, 6: xal pot wore Siayputvoivte tovrwy evexey edosev 
és BaBvaAdva édXOovra SenOjvai twos Tav pdywy Tov Zwpoderpov pabytay 

x , + > > ‘ > aA \ a Ps ‘4 aA 
Kal diadoxwv, yKovov & avrovs érwdais Te Kal TedeTals Tiow dvolyey TE TOU 
“AiSov tas mtAas kal Katdyew ov dv Botduvra dodadads Kal dricw adbts 

§ 10. M. Iunian(i)us Iustinus 
(Period of the Antonines ?) 

Hist. Philippicae, I. 1. 9-10: Postremum illi bellum cum 
Zoroastre, rege Bactrianorum, fuit, qui primus dicitur artes magi- 
cas inuenisse, et mundi principia siderumque motus diligentissime 
spectasse. hoc occiso et ipse decessit, relicto impubere adhuc filio 
Ninya et uxore Semiramide. 

§ 11. Apuleius Madaurensis 
(Born about a.p. 125) 

Florida, II. 15 (vol. ii. p. 59, ed. Hildebrand): Sunt qui Pytha- 
goram aiant eo temporis inter captiuos Cambysae regis, Aegyptum 
cum adueheretur, doctores habuisse Persarum magos ac praecipue 
Zoroastren, omnis diuini arcanum antistitem, posteaque eum a quo- 
dam Gillo Crotoniensium principe reciperatum. 

De Magia, XXVI. (vol. ii. p. 502 f, ed. Hild.): Auditisne 
magiam, qui eam temere accusatis, artem esse diis immortalibus 
acceptam, colendi eos ac uenerandi pergnaram, piam scilicet et 


diuini scientem, iam inde a Zoroastre et Oromazo auctoribus suis 
nobilem, coelitum antistitem? quippe quia inter prima regalia 
docetur, nec ulli temere inter Persas concessum est magum esse, 
haud magis quam regnare. idem Plato in alia sermocinatione de 
Zalmoxi quodam Thraci generis sed eiusdem artis uiro ita scriptum 
reliquit: OepareverOon 8& tiv Woynv, efy, d paxdpre, erwdais tit. ras de 
érwdas Tods Acyous eivat ToYs KaAovs. quodsi ita est, cur mihi nosse 
non liceat uel Zalmoxis bona uerba uel Zoroastris sacerdotia ? 

Ibid. XXXI. (p. 514): Pythagoram plerique Zoroastris sectatorem 
similiter magiae peritum arbitrati. 

Ibid. cap. XC. (p. 615 f.): Si quamlibet modicum emolumentum 
probaueritis, ego ille sim Carinondas uel Damigeron, uel is Moses 
uel Iannes uel Apollonius uel ipse Dardanus uel quicumque alius 
post Zoroastren et Hostanen inter magos celebratus est. 

§ 12. Clemens Romanus 
(About a.p. 30-100, but probably written later) 

Recognitiones, IV. 27-29 (tom. i. col. 1826 f., ed. Migne) 
(only in Latin transl. of Rufinus; dates about end of a.p. second 
century. Cf. Schoell, Histoire Abrégée de la litt. grecque sacrée 
et ecclésiastique, Paris, 1832, p. 220 f.; Christ, Griechische Litera- 
turgeschichte, 2d ed. p. 732). 27: Ex quibus unus Cham nomine, 
cuidam ex filiis suis qui Mesraim appellabatur, a quo Aegyptiorum 
et Babyloniorum et Persarum ducitur genus, male compertam magi- 
cae artis tradidit disciplinam; hune gentes quae tunc erant Zoro- 
astrem appelauerunt, admirantes primum magicae artis auctorem, 
cuius nomine etiam libri super hoc plurimi habentur. hic ergo astris 
multum ac frequenter intentus et uolens apud homines uideri deus, 
uelut scintillas quasdam ex stellis producere et hominibus ostentare 
coepit, quo rudes atque ignari in stuporem miraculi traherentur, cupi- 
ensque augere de se huiusmodi opinionem, saepius ista moliebatur 
usquequo ab ipso daemone, quem importunius frequentabat igni suc- 
census concremaretur. 

28: Sed stulti homines qui tune erant, cum debuissent utique 
opinionem, quam de eo conceperant, abicere, quippe quam poenali 
morte eius uiderant confutatam, in maius eum extollunt. extructo 
enim sepulcro ad honorem eius, tanquam amicum dei ac fulminis 
ad caelum uehiculo subleuatum, adorare ausi sunt, et quasi uiuens 


astrum colere. hinc enim et nomen post mortem eius Zoroaster, hoe 
est uiuum sidus, appellatum est ab his, qui post unam generationem 
graecae linguae loquela fuerant repleti. hoc denique exemplo etiam 
nunc multi eos qui fulmine obierint, sepulcris honoratos tamquam 
amicos Dei colunt. hic ergo cum quartadecima generatione coepisset, 
quintadecima defunctus est, in qua turris aedificata est, et linguae 
hominum multipliciter diuisae sunt. 

29: Inter quos primus, magica nihilominus arte, quasi corusco ad 
eum delato, rex appellatur quidam Nemrod, quem et ipsum Graeci 
Ninum uocauerunt; ex cuius nomine Niniuve ciuitas uocabulum sum- 
sit. sic ergo diuersae et erraticae superstitiones ab arte magica 
initium sumpsere. 

Et eius, quem supra diximus indignatione daemonis, cui nimis 
molestus fuerat, conflagrasse, busti cineres tanquam fulminei ignis 
reliquias colligentes hi, qui erant primitus decepti, deferunt ad 
Persas, ut ab eis tanquam diuinus e caelo lapsus ignis perpetuis 
conseruaretur excubiis, atque ut caelestis deus coleretur. 

Homilies (also spurious), IX. 4 f. (tom. ii. col. 244, ed. Migne): 
2 a v pi # , & ny ny ‘ ‘ , [aes 
éx Tov ‘yévous Tovrou yiverat tis Kara Siadoyyy paytKda rapedyndds, dvoparte 
fal ~ J 
NeBpod, domep yiyas évaytia tG Ged ppovety EAdmevos, ov of "EAXnves Zwpod- 
oTpyy mpoonyopevcay. ovtos pera Tov KaTaxAvopoy Bactrclas dpexGels Kal 
péyas dv pdyos Tod viv Bacthetovros KaKod Tov GpocKorotvTa Kécpov doTépa 
Nt XN 2 > a ae ny Lal cal > La Lg € be oy oy 
mpos THY é€ adrod Bacircias Sdow payiKais qvdyxate réxvats. 6 dé dre dy 
» nN \ a ‘ N 2 s ” >> A ee , 
dpxwv dv kal rod Bialopévov tiv eLovoiay exwv, pet dpyijs rd THs BactAcias 
mpooéxee Top, iva mpds Te Tov SpKiopov ebyvwpovicy, Kal Tov TpdTus dvay- 
- 4 > fan 2 > we + - > a c Ls > ~ 
éx tadrns obv THs ef odpavod xXapal mecovons dorpamhs 6 pdyos dvatpeHels 
NeSpod, ék Tod cru Bdvros mpdypatos Zwpodotpys petwvoudcOy, did 7d THv 
700 dorépos Kar’ abrod Lacayv évexOijvat porjv. of d& dvénrot Tv TéTe dvOpwrrov, 
ds 81d Thy eds Oedv piAtav Kepavd perarenpbeioay THy Wuxi vouicarTes, Tod 
i XN iA #, ed XN x =“ > -F 2 ¥ 
cdparos T6 Aciavoy KaTopvgavres, Téy pev Tadov vaw éripyoay év Ilépoats, 
” € a Q % s [aaa be € 6. XQ é0 a , 
200. 4 Tod mupds KaTaopa yéyover, airdv dé ws Gedy COpyjcxevoay. TovTw 
eit ‘ 
TQ trodelypare Kal of Aourol exeloe Tods KEepavvg OryoKovtas ws Jeodrrels 
Bi nA las ‘. a o dt cal e cal > 4 
Odarrovres vaois TLLGow, Kal TOV TEOVEdT UW iwy popPav icraow dyduata. . . 
Tlépoat rpdro ths && odpavod recovons dortpamis haBovres dvOpaxas rH 
: 4 , cal ‘ e 6. ‘ * 4 # % a e 
oixeia SuepvAakay tpodpy Kal ws Gedv odpdvioy mpotiwyoavtes TO Tip, ws 
a A , 
mp&ro. mpookwvyicavtes, Ur adrod Tod rupds mpGry Bacrdcia reriunvrar’ pel” 
ots BaBvAdvor dad tot éxel rupds dvOpaxas KAEWavres Kal Siacdcavres eis 
Ta, éauTov Kat mpooxuvyjcavtes Kal adtol dxohovOus éBacidevoay. 


§ 13. Titus Flavius Clemens Alexandrinus 
(Died between a.p. 211-218) 
Stromata I. (tom. i. col. 773, ed. Migne): éw@dOe yap [sc. 6 Anudkpt- 

tos'] BaBvddva re xai Mepoida cat Alyumroy rots Te paryiKots Kal roils tepedor 
pabyretwv. Zupwdortpyy d& Tov payov Tov Tlépony 6 vOaydpas édndwoev? 
BiBrous droxpidous Tavdpds Tove of THy TIpodicov peridvres alpeoty adxodor 
KexTyjo Oat. 

Ibid. (tom. i. col. 868, ed. Migne): wpoyvice 6€ kat IvOayopas 6 
? poy Yop 
a ‘ . 
péyas mpocavetxey dei, "ABapis te 6 “YrepBdpeos, kal “Apioreias 6 Tpoxov- 
vyowos, Eximevidns te 6 Kpiys doris cis Sadptyv adixero, kai Zwpoaorpys 6 
Mijdos, "“EumedoxAqs te 6 “Akpayartivos, kal Boppiwv 6 AdKwy. 

Ibid. Strom. V. (tom. ii. col. 156 f., ed. Migne): 6 8 airés &v ra 
Sexdrw tis Todtefas “Hpds tod “Appeviou,® ro yévos Tappvaou, péuvyrat, 
9 > - 4  & a c , , + LO ’ 

Gs €att Zopodorpys. autos yovv 6 Zopoaotpys ypade’ Tade ovveypawey 
Zopoaorpys 6 “Appeviov, 7d yévos Ildudvdos. ev rodduw tedeuTHoas ev 
"Atdy yevouevos eSdny rapa Oey. tov 89 Zopodatpyy Todrov 6 Tdrwv 8wde- 
katatoy él TH Tupa Keipevoy dvaBiavat A€ye. Taxa pev ody THY dvdoTacW, 
tdxa dé éxeiva aiviocoerat, ws a Tov Sddexa Cuwdiwv  6dds Tals puyris 

- > ~ Ee 3 a, ay X > ‘ Pe ae ‘ eS 
yiverae cis rHv dvddyev. airds 8& kal eis thy yeveriv pyow THY adryy 
yiyver Bas KdBodov. 

§ 14. Origenes 
(a.p. 185-254) 

Contra Celsum I. (tom. i. col. 689, ed. Migne): dpa ody ei pi 
dytixpus Kaxoupyav e€éBare [sc. 6 KéAcos] tov xaraddyou tay copay kal 
Muvoéa, Aivoy 88 kat Movoaiov kat "Opdéa kat rv Pepexvoyv kat tov Mépony 
Zwpodorpyv Kai TvOayépay pyoas wept rOvde dretdynpevat, cal és BiBdrovs 
katateBetcOat Ta éavrdy Séypata, kal mepvdrdxOat aitd péypr Setipo. 

Contra Haereses I. col. 3025: Addwpos 8% 5 Eperpteds xat Apiord- 
£evos 6 provatxds yo mpos Zaparay tov Xaddatov éAnrAvOevar TvOaydpay* 
tov 8¢ éxOéoOat atrd S8vo elvan dx’ dpyas Tots odow airia, warépa Kal pntépa’ 
Kal matépa pev ids, pytépa Se oxédros, Tod S€ Pwrds pépy Oepucv, Enpsv, 

1 Cf. Eusebius. 8 Vid. Plato, Repub. p. 614 B. 

2 Quoted by Cyrill. adv. Jul. iii. 4 Zwpéaorpis in Euseb. Prep. Evang. 
(tom. i, col. 633, ed. Migne) where, XIII. 13,30. , 

however, é(fawoev is read (cf. Win- 
dischmann, Zor. Stud. 263). 


cal Coed a be # , € - 4 bv. 2 8e a 
Kovgov, Taxv* Tov dt axdrous Wuxpdv, typdv, Bapv, Bpad’. éx dé TovTwy 
. > 
wdvta Tov KOgpov Guvertdvat, éx Ondeias Kal dppevos* eivat St Tov Kdopov 
4 x ‘ © 4 8 \ \ x nr a“ 6 ‘ iQ 5 
piow Kara povoixnvy dppoviay, 86 Kal rov yAtov movetobar THY Tepiodov 
LS - \ oe n 2 a \ / t aN N. re Q 
€vappoviov. mept d¢ Tav éx yas Kal Kédcpov yivopevwy Tdde pact A€ye Tév 
Zapdtav* 8vo Saiuovas eivat, Tov pev oipdvtov, Tov 8& xOdvov* Kal roy pev 
, ’ ‘ , 2 a a > $2 25 5 Ay: 8S ofnd a 
xOovov dvievar tiv yeveow ek THs yis, elvat dé Vdwp* Tov SF odpdviov wip 
4 ae oy cel a 5 Xx * , Doe 2 a doe 
peréxov Tod depos, Oepudy Tod Wuxpod. 66 Kal Tovrwy ovdey dvatpely odde 
s Yous aa} N a 2 a , , \ 
puaivery pyot thy Woxnv' eoTe yap Tatra otola Tay mdvTwv. Kvdwous SF 
Aeyerar mapayyedAav py Cobley, airia rod Tov Zaparny cipnkévat Kara THY 
an ¥. a mW ‘N 
apxiv kal ovyKpioty TOV TaVTwY CLVLOTOPLEVYS THS yHs Ere Kal cvvoconppEryS 
ta y. 
yevéoOar Tov Kvapov. TovTov S& Texuypidy pyowy, eb Tis KaTapaonodmevos 
° s 
Aelov Tov Kvapov KaTaetn Tpos WALov Xpovoy Tiva — TOTO yap EvOEws ayTIAH- 
, x , , 35 , : 8 > .e 
Yerar — rpoopéepev dvOpwrivor ydvou ddunv. cadéorepoy 8 elvat Kal erepov 
aN & 7 > 6 a a ie Xr be X\ iS \ = 6 
mrapddeypa A€yet, ef dvOodvros TOU Kudpyov AaBdvres Tov KVapovy Kal 7d dyOos 
avrod Kal xatabévres eis yUTpav TavTyV TE KaTAaXpicayTes eis yHv KaTOpvEatpev 
‘\ J * f € - 3 Fs 16. ay s* hy W, ‘ X 
kal per’ GALyas Audpas dvaxadvwatpev, ioney (av) adtd eldos éxov Td prev 
mpatov ws aicxivyy yuvatkds, pera S& Tatra Katavoovpevoy Tadiou Kepadiy 


Ibid. V. (auct. inc.) Migne, vi. col. 3170: dvvams defta etovordZe 
Kaprv* tovtov 4 dyvwoia éxdAnoe Mijva, ov Kar’ eixdva éyévovto Boupeyas, 
’Oordvys, “Epps tpurpeyvoros, Kovpiryns, MWerdotpis, Zwddpiov, Bypwods, 
*Aotpdapipovyos, Zwpdacrpis. 

Ibid. VI. (col. 3228, Migne): kai Zaparas 6 TvOayépov di8aoKados 

éxdAet TO pev Ev marépa, TO Se Svo pnTépa. 

§15. Diogenes Laertios 
(Flourished about a.p. 210) 

Proewm. 2 (ed. Cobet, Paris, 1862): dard 8 trav Médywv, dv dpéat 
Zwpodorpyy tov épony, “Epyddwpos pev 6 WAarwvixds év to rept paPnpdrwy 
dyoi eis tiv Tpoias ddwow éry yeyovévat revraxtoxidta.*) HavOos St 6 Avdds 
eis rHv Bépfov didBacw dad tod Zwpodorpov efaxioxirda yot, cal per’ adrév 
yeyovevat moAXovs Twas Mayous xara Sia8oxiy, ‘Oordvas cal "Aotpayydsyous 
cot TwBpvas xai Taldras, wept tis Tov Tlepodv im’ ’AdeEdv8pov xatadiceus. 

Ibid. 6: riyv 8& yoytixny payeiav odk eyvwoay [sc. of Mayor], pyoiv 
*Apicroréedys ev TO Mayixd kal Acivon év rH méumry Tv ioropiiv’ os Kal 
peOcppnvevopevdv pyot tov Zwpodorpyy dorpoPiryy civar: gpyot 8 rotro 
kal 6 “Eppddwpos. "Apiororédys & év tO mpdtw wept Pirdocodias kal mpeo- 

1 Two MSS., éfarioxlaia. 


Burépous eva tay Aiyurriwv: Kal So Kar’ adrods evar dpxds, dyabov 
Safuova Kal xaxdv Sapova, kat TH pev dvoua elvot Zeds xat ‘Qooudodys, ro 
8 "Awys Kal Aperudvios. gyot 8 roto Kal "Eppumrmos ev TO mpdrw rept 
Mdywv xai Evdofos év 7H Hepiddy cat @edmopmos ev TH dyddn Tv Bidrur- 
mxay, 6s Kat dvaBuscecOat Kara Tos Mdyous pyot rods avOpmmovs xat 
Zoeoba dOavdrovs, kat Ta Ovta Tals aitOv émxdjoeot Siapévery. Taira Se 
kat EvSnuos & “Pddios iorope’. “Exaratos 8& Kai yevnrods robs Oeods evar 
kat’ avrovs. Kdéapxos S& 6 Soreds ev rh wept ratdelas Kai rods Tupvoco- 
duoras droydvous evar tov Mdywv pyciv’ enor d& Kat rods “Iovdaious éx 
TovTwy élvat. 
§ 16. Arnobius 
(Wrote about a.p. 295) 

Adv. Gentes I. 5 (col. 727 f£., ed. Migne): ut inter Assyrios 
et Bactrianos, Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus, non tantum 
ferro dimicaretur et uiribus, uerum etiam Magicis et Chaldaeorum 
ex reconditis disciplinis, inuidia nostra haec fuit ? 

Ibid. I. 52 (col. 788 ff.): Age nune, ueniat quis super igneam 
zonam, magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur 
auctori. Bactrianus et ille conueniat, cuius Ctesias res gestas histo- 
riarum exponit in primo, Armenius Hosthanis/ nepos, ete. 

§ 17. Porphurios 
(4.D. 238 to about a.p. 3804) 

Vit. Pythagorae 12: é re "ApaPia rd Bact cuviv [6 Wvbay6- 
pas] vy re BaBvaAdyt rots 7° ddAots Xaddaiors cuveyévero Kal mpos Za Bparov 
ddixero, wap 00 Kat dxaBap6n Ta Tod mporépov Biov Avpara Kal ediddx6n 
a4? 2 ra Fs ~ Hy re x * Cd x 4 \ 
ad’ ov dyvedvew mpoojKet Tois Grovdaiots, Tov Te Tept HIcEws Adyov YKoVEE Kal 

1a £ n La > i > XX n ‘ a NW, t e 4 
tives at tov ddwy Gpxai. ex yap THs wept Tatra Ta €Ovy wAGVys 5 TvOaydpas 
TO wA€laTOV THS Topias éverropetcato. 
De antro nympharum 6: ovrw kai Ilépoa: ry eis kdtw KdOodov 
tal lal ‘\ aN wy ny a a XX ta > ¥ 
TOV Woxav Kal rddw e€odov proTaywyodyTes TeAODEL Tov pioTHV, erovopd- 
cayres omyAatov Troy" mpOrTa. wey ds pyow EvBovdos, Zwpodorpov avropves 
omydatov év rots wAyoiov Gpect THs Tlepoidos dvOnpdv Kal myyas exov dyte- 
pwoavtos eis Tima TOU TavTWY ToLNTOU Kal matpds MiGpov, eixdva épovros 
Fa a 3 a an 
ait® Tod oryAaiov Tod Kéopov, ov 6 MiOpas ednuwodpynoe, TOv Se évros 
Kara oupperpovs drooctdces ciuBora epdvTwy TOV KoTpLKOV oToLXELwy 
Kat kAtudrav' pera St rodrov Zwpoderpyy Kpatyoavros Kal mapa Tois GAXots 

1MSS. Zostriani, cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. 289. 


8 dvtpwv Kat orndalov er’ ov aitopuay Eire xelporonjrwy Tas TeA€Tds 

De Vita Plotini § 16: yeydvace 8 xar’ abrdv trav XpioriavOv roA- 
Nol pay Kal dAdo, aiperixol & ex Tis madaas Pirdocodias dvyypévot of 
mept “AdeAduov Kai "Axvdivoy, of Ta “AAc~dvSpov rod A/Bvos Kal BrrAoKdpov 
cat Anpoorpérov kat Avdod ovyypdppata mdelora KexTnpevot, droxadvpets 
re mpopepovres Zwpodorpov Kat Zworptayod cat NexoBéov xai "AAAoyevoiis 

‘7 r% ™ yw CA \ 2 7 XN > \ > , e 
kat Mégov xat ddAAwv rotovrwv woddovs eEyTarwv Kal adrol yraTnpEvot, ws 
8) rod TAdrwvos eis 76 Bdbos ris voytis obcias ob weAdoavros. dOev 

s&s X 5.3 2 [A 3 > a ft Pp XN \ 
airds piv moddods éXéyyous movovpevos ev rais cuvovoiats, ypdyas dé Kal 

- Lg x s. AY > , ea DY ‘ - 
BiBrlov, dep mpds Tos yvworiKods éreypdwamev, Yuly Ta Aoura Kpivew 
KarahéAourev. "ApeAtos O€ dxpt TecoapdKovta BiBdiwv mpoKxexdpyKe mpds 
76 Zworptavod BuBdiov avtvypaduv. TLoppuptos 5 éyw rpds 76 Zwpodorpov 

x a > a oe 4 \ Fg + - , 
ovxvors reroinwat éX€yxous, Gus vébov Te Kat véov 76 BiBriov mapadexvis, 
mwendaopevoy Te bTd TOV THY alpecty GvoTYyTOpEvuY els Sdav Tov evar TOD 
maAatod Zwpodarpov Ta Séypara, d adrol eiAovro mper Bevery. 

§ 18. Eusebios 
(About a.p. 264-340) 

This passage is usually assigned to Philo Byblius (flor. cire. ap. 
125), Fragm. 9, apud Euseb. Praep. Evang. I. 10 (tom. iii. 
col. 88, ed. Migne): kai Zwpodorpys 8 6 péyos év TH iepa cwaywyy Tov 
Tlepotxav pyow xara Aééw* ‘O Se Geds éore Kehadiv exwy lépaxos. odTds 
éorw 5 mp&tos apOaptos, didios, ayévyytos, duepys, dvopotdtaros, yvioxos 
mavTds KaAov, gdwpoddKynTos, dya0Gv dyabdratos, ppovimwy Ppovipwraros * 
Rs * y 5. ‘ > is ‘ Ea F) s' Ea * t 
éott d& kal waryp eivopias Kai Sixatooivys, abrodidaxros, pvatkds, kal TéAELos, 

QA 4 a ¢ aA nan 4 e , ‘ ‘ aN 2 / ‘ 
kat codes, Kai tepod pvotxod pdvos etperys. Ta Sé aita Kal "Oordyys pyot 
wept adrod ev TH emtypadhopevyn "Oxtaredyo. 

Ibid. X. 9, 10 (col. 805 seq., ed. Migne): ob Nivos émdvupos 
mods, 4 Nevevt wap’ “EBpaios avépacrat, Ka’ ov Zwpodotpys 6 pacyos 
Baxrpiov éBaciievoe. Nivov 8 yuvy kal diddoxos rijs Baotrelas Senipapis * 
dor eva tov “ABpadp Kata Tovrous. 

Eusebius Chron. II. 35, ed. Aucher (to year 9 of Abraham): 

Zoroastres magus rex Bactrianorum clarus habetur: aduersum quem 
Ninus dimicauit. 

1 Thus Nietzsche in his ‘ Also sprach Zarathustra’ makes the Sage dwell in a 
cave, with a serpent and an eagle as his faithful companions. 


§19. C. Iul. Solinus Polyhistor 
(a.pv. Third or Fourth Century) 

J. Nascentium uox prima uagitus est: laetitiae enim sensus 
differtur in quadrigesimum diem. itaque unum nouimus eadem 
hora risisse, qua erat natus, scilicet Zoroastrem, mox optimarum 
artium peritissimum. 

§ 20. Basilios Megas 
(A.D. 329-879) 

Epist. CCLVIII. (tom. iv. col. 953, ed. Migne): ras 8 ex rod 
"ABpadp. yevadoylas oddels uiv méxpt TOD rapdvTos TGV péywv éuvodhdyyoev* 
ddAG Zapotdy tiva éavrois dpynyov Tod yévous emi@ypiCovar. 

§ 21. Epiphanios of Constantia 
(A.v. 298-408) 

Adv. Haereses, Lib. I. Tom. I. 6 (tom. i. col. 185 seq., ed. 
Migne): NeBpw8 yap Bacthever vids rot Xots tod AiOloros, e€ ob “Aocoip 
yeyevyntat. tovrov # BactAeia év “Opty yeyévvyntat, Kai év “Appar, Kal 
Xaddvyyn. xrite dé ai rHv Oepas kai tiv OoBer kat AdBov év rH ’Acovpiav 

, as a e ri me % / a , 
xope. Todtév dace aides “EAAjvwy civot tov Zwpodorpyy, os mpoow 
xwopyoas emt Ta dvaroAuKa pépy olkiaris yiverat Baxtpwv.' évredbey ta 
Kata THY yhv mapdvona Siaveveuntat. epevperyns yap ovTos yeyevyTat KaKis 
diSaxis dorporoylas kal payeias, ws Tvés hace rept TovTov Tod Zwpodcrpov. 

AY e a ef , a a XA aA bi 2 os € c 
TAY ws 4 axpiBea weprexe. TOD NeBpwO rod yiyavtos otTos jy 6 xpovos. 
od mod’ b€ GAAAWY TO xpove SeoryKaow aupw, o te NeGBpw Kal 6 

§ 22. Ammianus Marcellinus 
(About 330-400) 

XXIII. 6, 32-34: magiam opinionum insignium auctor amplis- 
simus Plato machagistiam esse uerbo mystico docet, diuinorum 
incoruptissimum cultum, cuius scientiae saeculis priscis multa ex 
Chaldaeorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, deinde Hystaspes 
rex prudentissimus Darei pater. qui cum superioris Indiae secreta 
fidentius penetraret, ad nemorosam quandam uenerat solitudinem, 

1 The same statement is later repeated by Prokopios of Gaza, see below, § 33. 


cuius tranquillis silentiis praecelsa Bracmanorum ingenia potiuntur, 
eorumque monitu rationes mundani motus et siderum purosque 
sacrorum ritus quantum colligere potuit eruditus, ex his quae didicit, 
aliqua sensibus magorum infudit, quae illi cum disciplinis praesen- 
tiendi futura per suam quisque progeniem posteris aetatibus tradunt. 
ex eo per saecula multa ad praesens una eademque prosapia multi- 
tudo creata deorum cultibus dedicatur. feruntque, si iustum est 
credi, etiam ignem caelitus lapsum apud se sempiternis foculis custo- 
diri, cuius portionem exiguam ut faustam praeisse quondam Asiaticis 
regibus dicunt. 

§ 23. Marius Victorinus Afer 
(About a.p. 350) 

Ad Iustinum Manichaeum (col. 1003, ed. Migne): Jam uidisti- 
ne ergo quot Manis, Zoradis, aut Buddas haec docendo deceperint? 

§ 24. Hieronymus 
(a.p. 331-420) 

Epist. 132 (tom. i. col. 1153, ed. Migne): In Hispania Agape 
Elpidium, mulier uirum, caecum caeca duxit in foueam, successo- 
remque qui Priscillianum habuit, Zoroastris magi studiosissimum, 
et ex mago episcopum, cui iuncta Galla non gente sed nomine, 
germanam huc illucque currentem alterius et uicinae haereseos 
reliquit haeredem. 

§ 25. Iohannes Chrustostomos 
(a.v. 347-407) 

Lib. de 8. Babyla contra Iulianum et Gentiles (tom. 
ii. col. 536, ed. Migne): etre yap pot, da ti tov Zwpodorpyy éxetvov kal 
tov Ldporkiv ove e€ dvouatos tcacw of ToAAoL, wadAov dé odd tives TAY 
2\/ n o> 3 , 9 x \ 20-7 , ¢ 
OXyav TWOV; ap’ ovx GTt wAdopaTA YY Ta TeEpt ExEivwv AEyomeva aTavTaA; 
Kaitou ye Kaxelvot Kal of Ta exeivwv ovvOevres Servol yevérOar éyovrat, of pev 

A € fal XY 2 , ec be / a a a ¥ 
yonreiay ebpety kal épydcacbat, of dé cvoxidoa Wetdos TH TOV Adywv mBavo- 
> ‘\ tf / iA \ : rend Lg € a Pd € ‘ 
TyTt. GAA TdvTa paTyv yiverat Kal eikH, OTav y TV AEyouevwn UroHects 
cabpa Kai Pevdys ooa TN, WoTEp ody, Stray icyvpa Kal AdyOs, EravrTa mady 
parnv yiverat Kai elk Ta mpos avatpornv émivootmeva mapa TaY éxOpav- 
ovdepias yap Setrat BonOeias 7) THs dAnOeias loxus. 


§ 26. Aurelius Prudentius Clemens 
(4.p. 348 to about a.p. 410!) 

Apotheosis, 492 ff.: 
ecquis alumnus 

Chrismatis inscripto signaret tempora ligno; 
Qui Zoroastraeos turbasset fronte susurros. 

§ 27. Paulus Orosius 
(Wrote about a.p. 417) 

Hist. I. 4 (col. 700, ed. Migne): Nouissime Zoroastrem Bactria- 
norum regem, eundemque magicae (ut ferunt) artis repertorem, pugna 
oppressum [sc. Ninus] interfecit.’ 

The passage contains some account also of Semiramis as well as 
of Ninus. 

§ 28. Aurelius Augustinus 
(4.D. 354-430) 

De Civ. Dei, XXI. 14 (tom. vii. col. 728, ed. Migne): Solum 
quando natus est ferunt risisse Zoroastrem, nec ei boni aliquid 
monstrosus risus ille portendit. nam magicarum artium fuisse 
perhibetur inuentor; quae quidem illi nec ad praesentis uitae 
uanam felicitatem contra suos inimicos prodesse potuerunt. a 
Nino quippe rege Assyriorum, cum esset ipse Bactrianorum, bello 
superatus est. 

§ 29. Kurillos Alexandrinos 
(About a.p. 376-444) 

Contra Julian. III. (tom. ix. col. 633, ed. Migne): dr: pev ody of 
Mayo Tepouxdy ioe yévos, épotot ov rdvtws. Zwpodorpyy ye pay ovdels 
drahdd£ete AGyos TOD Tails paytKals evicyjobat réxvats, ob OF Kal mavdpioroy 

AY Ld - ¢ XN iF; | 14 > > lal 
Lnruriv Tvbaydpay paciv, ds kat BiBrovs dmoppyrovs rap’ adtod ouTe- 
Oapévas adxnoal Twas. 

1 Quoted also by Gregory of Tours, 2 Praised by Ekkehard Urangiensis, 
Miraculor. lib. i. cap. 41 (col. 748, col. 505, ed. Migne (vol. 154), 
ed. Migne). 


§ 30. Theodoretos of Cyrus 
(About a.p. 387-457) 

Graecarum Affectionum Curatio, IX. de legibus (tom. 
iv. col. 1045, ed. Migne): éAX& Kara Trois ZapdSou radar Mépoae wodcrevo- 
pevot vopous, Kal pntpdor Kal adeAdats dbeds Kal pévror kal Ovyarpdot 
puyvipevor, kat evvopov tiv mapavouiay vouilovres, ered THs TOV adtéwy 
vopobecias émjxovoav, Tos pev Zapddov vomous ws mapavopiay érdrycey, 
THv ebayyeduKyy 8& cudpootvyv Pydrncav. Kal Kvol Kal oiwvols rods 
vexpovs mporiévar map exeivou peuabyxores, viv totTo Spav of morev- 
cavres odk dvéxovtat, GANG TH yy KaTaxpUTrovar, Kal Tov TodTO Spay daaye- 
pevovrwv ob gdpovriLover vowwy, ovde medpixact tiv tov Kodalovrwy 

§ 31. Claudianus Mamertus 
(Wrote about a.p. 470) 

De statu animae, II. 8 (col. 750, ed. Migne): Quid ego nune 
Zoroastri, quid Brachmanum ex India, quid Anacharsis e Scythia, 
quid uero Catonum, quid M. Ciceronis, quid Crysippi, qui ab ipso 
paene principio sui operis animo dominandi ius tribuit, corpori 
legem seruitutis imponit, in defensionem ueri sententias adferam ? 

§ 32. Iohannes Laurentios Ludos 
(Born about a.p. 490) 

De Mensibus, II. 3 (p. 14, ed. Bonnenn.): [6rz of wept Zwpo- 
dotpyv kal ‘Yordornvy Xaddaior kat Aiyvrrio. dd Tod dpiOuod trav 7mAa- 
Ps 2 e 4 * € , , i \ < LA c ¥ ft 
vytov évy EBdouads Tas Hucpas dvéAaBov, kal THv pev mpOTHVY BpEpav play, 
ws Kal of IvOaydpetot, kadotow éx Tis povddos, GTe povy Kal dKolvevyTos 

tais dAXats.] 

Ibid. II. 5 (p. 16, ed. Bonnenn.): tocaitra peév wept ris pads, qv os 
epyv mpatyv ro TAHOOS Kade, Hv Kat’ alcOyow Friw dvBevro, Tapia yey 
Tov mavTos aicOyTod puwros, Ot ov Oeppaive Te dua Kal npeua Enpaiver Ta 

Fd en a , > % A > F . aS ‘ 
copata, évi tov tAavyTav Kal’ "EAAyvas, kav ei Zwpodorpys atrov mpd 
Tov arAavav TaTTy. 

Ibid. De Ostentis, 2 (p. 274, ed. Bonnenn.): dppodioy 8 evar 
vonilw Ta rept THv ToovTwv ypadev COédrovtt, robev Te Y THV ToLOvTwY 
KardAyyis p&t «yew, kal d0%y Exye Tas apopyds, Kal dws él Toootroy 


a i 
mporr us kal adrois, eb Oéuts eimetv, Alyurrious trepBadeiv.  rovruv 
yap 8%, mera Zwnodotpny Tov modww, Terootpts tots eiduxols Ta & yéver dtamdetge 
TOAAG pev Kar’ aitov mapadodvat PBiderar, od a7 % 74028/8wor rata, 
a “4 UTa) * 
povots S& rots Kad” attov, waddov 6& doo Kat 74” apos Groxacpods ém- 

§ 33. Prokopios of Gaza 
(Flourished about a.p. 500) 

Comment. in Genesin [c. XI.] (tom. i. col. 312, ed. Migne): 
tov “Accotp acw of "EAXnves civat Tov Zwpodotpyv, os Tpocw xXwpyoas 
émt ra dvatodixa pépy oixtorys yiverat Baxtpwv.' otros gacw efedpev 
dotporoylav* mAjv as 4 axpiBea rod NeBpwd rod yiyavros meptéxet, 
ovros Hv 6 Kpovos' od rodd 8 ddAjAwY TH xpovy SieoryKxace NeBpwd 
te kat Zwpodorpys* dAdo. S& tov “Apdagdd gacw eipyxévat tiv dotpo- 

§ 34. Ainaias of Gaza 
(About a.p. 500) 

Theophrastus, 77: kairo. xat Tddrov rh ocopate tov “Appentov 
e& “Aidov mpos Tos CGvras dvdye. 6 8 Zwpodorpys mpodrcya ws eéorat 

xX , > i r¢ nr st 4 ec ig a 
more xpovos év @ TdavTwv vexpov dvdotacts erat. oldey 6 Oeomopumos 6 
A€yw Kal robs GAAous abros éxdidacxet. 

§ 35. Agathias Scholastikos 
(About a.p. 536-582) 
Hist. IT. 24 (col. 1881 f., ed. Migne): I¢pous 8& rots viv 7a pev 

mporepa en oxeddv TL Gravta wapeirae dueder kat dvarérparrat, ddXoiows Se 
Tot Kal olov vevolevpévors XpGvrat vopimors, éx tay Zwpodorpov rod ’Oppda- 
Sews Sidaypdtrwov KataxdyOévres. ovros $8 6 Zwpdacrpos* yrou Zapddys — 
dirty yap er’ aire % érwvupia — Sryvixa piv yxpacey tiv apxiv Kal rods 
vopnous ero, odk éveott capds Siayvavor. dpoar 8& adrév of viv emt 
‘Yordorew, ovrw 84 te dhGs pact yeyovevat, ds Alay dudtyvoeioGat Kai ovK 
clvac pabeiv, wérepov Aapetov marnp eire kal GAXos ovTos barApxev ‘Yordowys. 
ep’ ory & av Kat yvOnoe xpdve, dpyyerys adtois éxeivos kal Kabyyeudov THs 
payikns yéyovey dyioreias, Kal ards 5) Tas mporépas tepovyias dpeiipas, 
Topplyets Tevas Kal rouidas évéOnxe Sdéas. TO pev yap wodatov Ala Te Kak 

1 For this statement, see Epiphanios 2Vulg. Zwpdados; R. Zopdacrpos. 
of Constantia, above, § 21. 


Kpévov koi tovrovs oi) adravras tous tap "EAAnot OpvdAAovpevous éripwy 
Geods wAHV ye dre 8H adtois 4 mpooyyopia odx Spotws eowlero. ddA Bijdov 
- ? 
uv tov Aia rvxdv, SdvSqv te tov “Hpaxdéa, cat Avairida tiv “Adpodiryy, 
kal dAdws Tovs dddovs éxddovv, ws tov Bypwood te TO BaBvdAwviw kat 
AOnvoxAd kat Suudxw, Trois Ta dpxadrata tov “Acovpiwy te kal Mydwv 
dvaypaipapevots, iordpytat. viv d& ds Ta TOAAG Tols KaAovpEvots Maviyaious 
Li > , Ff x , 2 a 6 > ‘ ‘ XN xX > On 
Evpdépovrat, éodcoy dvo Tas mpuwtas HyeloOa dpxas Kal rHy pey ayaOyv Te 
o \ . , a wy > , 2 = be > » w 
dpa Kal ra KdAdora Toy dvrwv droKvycacay, évavtins S& Kat dudw exovoay 
bt = # ; a4 ta 3 a = / *. ‘ lal f , 
Thy érépav. dvouard Te adtais érdyovot BapBapiKa kal ry operépa yAwTTy 
a ‘ % XQ 3 66 4 6 ‘ my 8 - 70 4 i 
meromnpeva. Tov pev yap ayaddv, ere Gedy cite Syptovpydy, “Oppiodarnv 
drrokaAovow, Aptudvys dé 6 D i i dAcOpiv. = Eopryy Te rach 
droxadotow, “Apiudvys d¢ dvoua TO Kakiorw kai 6AcOpiv. éoptyv Te TacGy 
wn @e Tal 
peiLova THY TOY KaKOY AEyouévyv avaipeow exTeovow, év y ToY TE EpTETaY 
A \ a ” if < , y + 2 4 s 
mXeiora kat tov dAwv Cowy érdca dypta Kal epypovdpya Katakreivovtes, 
a 4 ra 4 > 2 4 > rs “4 bt We 
Tols payols mpocdyouow, womep és emidakw eboeBeias. tTavTy yap olovrat 
To pev ayaba topeva. &t Corba, éviay dé kal AvpaiverOat Tov A pynd 
D ev ayabe Kexapiopeva Sarroveto Oat, dviav Sé kal AvpaiverOa Tov Aptimdvyv. 
, be 2 XX , ‘ vO! € be ‘\ fe > a 3 st 
yepaipovor dé és Td pddtoTa TO VOwp, ws pyde TA mpdowra aird évasrovi- 
Leobar, uyre dAAws emOuyydvew Ste pay ToTOD Te ExaTe Kai THS TGV puTay 

§ 36. Scholastikos Kassianos Bassos 
(4.p. Sixth Century) 

Praef. in lib. L.: 7a duaddpos trav waAadv repi re yewpyias Kal émripe- 

A lal ‘\ de S22 an & ? f # 
Aeias Purdy Kal oropipmwy Kal Erépwyv ToAAGY ypnoimwv eipnucva ovAAEas 
eis &, TouTl 76 BiBdAtov cuvréfeka. cuvetdextat Sé ex Tov PArwpertivov 
kai Oiuwdavwviov kat “AvatoAiov kat Bypouriov kal Atopdvous Kat Acovrivov 


kai Tapaytivov kai Anuoxpirov kai “Adptxavod tapaddééwv kal Tlauidov kai 
*ArovAyiov Kai Bdpwvos kal Zwpodatpov kal Ppdvrwvos kai Tagdpou xat 
Aapnyépovtos cai Avdvpou Kat Swriovos cat tov Kuyridiov. 

Geoponica, 11. 18. 11: Zwpoderpys d8 réye, ext evavrdv Ga py 
GAyeiv tovs dpOaruors, tov év rpadrots iddvra ext Tov uTod pepvevias 
kddvKas, Kal tTpioiv é& adtdv dropagdpevoy TA Supara, Kal éml rod puTod 
Ta pdda Karadurovra. 

Ibid. 13. 9. 10: Zupodorpys poi, tis Opidaxos 7d oréppa. perd oivov 
mobev iarat Tovs oKopTLodHKToOVS. 

Geoponica (continued): The following rubrics of “Zoroaster” 
will sufficiently indicate the character of the lore ascribed to him, 
without the necessity of presentation of the texts of the chapters 

under them, 
1Vulg. Opuicddorny. 


g ar 2 207 / i3 if so e *& a , 
I. 7: ore dvaykatov €or eidévat, wore h ceAHvy yiverat brép yhv, wore 

8 tm viv. Zwpodorpov. (31 sections, pp. 11-15, ed. Beckh.) 

I. 8: rept rijs rod xuvos émeroAjs Kal rhs mpoyvdcews roy ef abrijs 
ovpBawovrwv. rod avrod. (13 sections, pp. 15-17.) 

I. 10: onpetwors rdv droredoupevwn éx THs TpadTys Bpovtis Kal Exacrov 
eros, meta THy Tod Kuvds ExtroAnv. Zwpodorpov. (13 sections, pp. 19 seq.) 

I. 12: dwoexaerypis rod Atds, cal doa daroreAet mepiroAciwy Tos Swdexo, 
olkous Tod Cwdiaxod KUKAov. Zwpoderpov. (40 sections, pp. 21-28.) 

II. 15: mpoyvwortkdv, wore cidévat, Toia tav omrepomevwv yevyoovrat 
evbary. Zwpoderpov. (38 sections, p. 55.) 

V. 46: ev rotw oikw ovons Tijs cednvns xp) Tpvyav, Kal dt. Anyotons 
airs kat broyeiou ovons Tov tpvyntov Set Toely. Zwpoderpov. (1 section, 

p. 164.) 

VII. 5: sept dvoigews riOwy, xal ri xpy mapapvddrrecbat TH Kap Tis 
tovrwv dvoifews. Zwpodorpov. (8 sections, pp. 190 seq.) 

VIL. 6: mepi perayyropod olvov, kal mére yp jeravrAcly Tovs oivous, 
kal drt diapopay exer 6 ev TO aiTd wiOw éuBeBAnpevos olvos. Tod adrod. 
(11 sections, pp. 191 seq.) 

VIL. 11: dere ind Bpovrdy kat dorpardv py tpéreoOou rods oivous. 
Zwpoderpov. (1 section, p. 195.) 

X. 83: dadpov dkaprov kaprogopeiy. Zwpoderpov. (3 sections, p. 319.) 
XIII. 16: wept xavOapiSuv. Zwpodorpov. (4 sections, p. 403.) 

XV. 1: rept dvody cvpradady kat dvrvabedy. Zwpodorpov. (35 

sections, pp. 432-436.) 

§ 37. Gregorius Turonensis 
(A.D. 538-598) 

Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (ol. 164 seq., ed. Migne): Primogenitus 
uero Cham, Chus. hic fuit totius artis magicae imbuente diabolo et 
primus idololatriae adinuentor. hic primus statuunculam adoran- 
dam diaboli instigatione constituit: qui et stellas et ignem de coelo 
cadere falsa uirtute hominibus ostentebat. hic ad Persas transiit. 
hune Persae uocitauere Zoroastrem, id est uiuentem stellam. ab hoc 
etiam ignem adorare consueti, ipsum diuinitus igne consumptum ut 
deum colunt. 


§ 38. Isidorus 
(About 4.p. 570-636) 

Etymol. 5. 39 (tom. iii. col. 224, ed. Migne): Thara, an. Lxx, 
genuit Abraham. Zoroastes magicam reperit. 

Ibid. 8. 9 (col. 310), III. M. CLXXXIV.: Magorum primus 
Zoroastes rex Bactrianorum, quem Ninus rex Assyriorum praelio 
interfecit, de quo Aristoteles scribit quod uicies centum millia 
uersuum ab ipso condita indiciis uoluminum eius declarentur. 

Chron. (tom. v. col. 1024, ed. Migne): Hac aetate magica ars 
in Perside a Zoroaste Bactrianorum rege reperta. a Nino rege 

§ 39. Chronicon Paschale or Chron. Alexandrinum 
(Last Date a.p. 6291) 
Chron. Paschale (col. 148 seq., ed. Migne; I. p. 67, ed. 

a , \ id f 
Bonnenn.): xai redkeura 5 Kpédvos. 6 8 Nivos émixparis yevduevos Tis 
*Acovpias krile rHv Neveu roAw ’Acorpiots, kat Baothever rp&tos ev atta 
te , A \ ¢ af XN € oi: , ‘N a > o€ a“ 

éxwv THY Seuipapev THv Kal “Péay tHv éavTod pytépa Kal yuvaixa ped” éavrod. 

2 > A ne? 2 , ve s Qe 9 , a 

€& adrod obv Tod yevous eyevv9On Kai 6 Zwpdactpos* 5 dorpovduos Tepoay 
& mepiBdyros, doris peAdwv TeAEvTay yUXETO bd Tupds avahwOijvat otpaviov, 
elroy rots Ilépoats dre édv Kavon pe Td Tip, éx TOV Kalonévuy pov doTéwy 
émdpare kal puddtare, kai ov éxAcipet TS Baciretov €x THs buoy ywpas doov 
xpovoy puddrrete Ta Ena doréa. Kal edfduevos tov ‘Opiwva dd mupos 
2? : s a ee, € s N > 2 An . oo». 
depiov dvnAdOn. Kat éroinoay ot Ilépcot caus elev adrots Kat exovor 
gudarrovres 7d Acipavoy airod reppwlev ews viv. 

The same story is found in almost the same words, or with no 
material addition, in the works of Iohan. Malalas (a.p. sixth century) 
(col. 84, ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121; p. 18, ed. Bonnenn.) ; Geor- 
gios Hamartolos (d. circ. a.p. 1468), Chron. (col. 56, ed. Migne, Patro- 
log. Gr. tom. 110). See, also, Georgios Kedrenos (end of eleventh 
century A.D.), who also adds (Historiarum Compendium, 
col. 57, ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121; p. 29 f., ed. Bonnenn.): 
Ta Acipava abrod dd. tyuys elxov of Wépcat ews révrov Katappovycartes Kat 
tis Bactrelas éférecor. 

1 But with a spurious addition to a.p. 1042; cf. Krumbacher, Geschichte 
der byzant. Literatur?, pp. 337-389). 2 P, Zopodorpys. 


§ 40. Flaccus Albinus Alcuinus 
(A.v. 735-804) 

De diuin. offic. VI. (spurious) (tom. ii. col. 1178, ed. Migne): 
Istorum enim Magorum primus Zoroastres rex exstitit, a quo originem 
feruntur traxisse. 

§ 41. Georgios Sunkellos 
(Flourished about a.p. 775-800) 

Vol. i. p. 147 £., ed. Bonnenn.: "AAavdpos 6 Tlodviorwp éx rotde Tod 
rBvé [2405] xoopuxod érovs Bovrerar wéAw Ti pera Tov KaTaKAvopoy Tay 
Xaddaiwy Baorrciav xatapSacOat pvPoroyGv 81. cdpwv Kai vipwv Kal cdoowy 
BeBacrrhevxevat XarSaiwv cat Mydwv Bacrrels 16’ [86] ev tpropupiors erect 
cat 35’ [49], rotr’ Zorw év odpos 6 [9] Kai vypos 8 [2] Kat cdccois 
n [8], dwep twes Tay exxAnoiuotiKdy jpav ioroptxiy ob Kad@s é&ehdBovro 
mddw eis ern HArtaxa 58 [94] Kai pivas y [8], dep as dacw eis 7d 
Bv50° [2499] eros Koopixov ovvtpéxet. ard b& TovTov Tod xpdvov Tov 
mS’ [86] dv0 pev XadCainv Baotréwy, Etnyiov cal XwparByrov, 7d [84] 
8 trav Myduv, Zwpodotpyy kal rods per’ airov £ [7] Kad8aiwy Bacrdcis 
elodyet, rn Kpatjoavtas HAtaxd po’ [190], 6 airds TloAviorup, odxeére dia 
odpwv Kai vypwv Kal cdoowr Kal THs owns dAdyou pvOuKys ioropias, GAAG 
8 WAtakav érav. Tods yap mpoyevertépous ws Oeods 7 HusHéovs vopilovtes 
kal ToUs per aitods THY TAdYHY clonyoUpevoL TH dvTL xpdvous azrefpovs BeBa- 
otdevkévat ovveypaway, aiSiov eva tov Kdopoy Sokalovres évavtins Tais Geo- 
mvevotos ypapais. Tors d& perayevertépous Kal mao havepors 8° yAtaKav 
érav ws Ovytods, Kal ody ws TH Ilavoddpw Sone kai Erépors riot, bia 7d 
éoxdrus ixd Zwpodotpov Tov jALaKGy éviavTOv ex TOY TOU "Evwx éyvoopevav 
éxrore HAtaxols érecuv érterpeiaOat Ta Tay Bactrewy ery. 

Ibid. p. 315, ed. Bonnenn.: dre 8 dovuddves of rdv “EANjvev 
ioroptxo yeypddact wept trav xpdvwy Kat T&v Bactéwy TovTwv wapéoTH 
Kedod‘wy émionuos els, odx 6 Tuxdv, oUTW ddoKwv: "Apyopat ypddew 
ap’ dv dddou te euvyudsvevoay Kal Ta mpdra “Eddavikds te & Aéo Bios xal 
Kryoins 6 Kyidios, érevra “Hpddoros 6 “AXdtkapvaceds. 1d madatov Tis 
*Agias €Bacidevooy “Acotptor, trav 8& 6 ByAov Nivos. lr’ émdye yeveow 
Zepipdews Kal Zwpoderpov pdyov ere vB’ [52] tis Nivov BaowAcias. 

(Also cited in the Chronicon, pars i., of Eusebius, tom. i. 48 f, 

ed. Aucher. Cf. Jerome’s translation of the Chronicon, tom. viii. 
col. 46, ed. Migne.) 


§ 42. Anathemas against Manicheism 
(About 835) 

Cited by Cotelerius, SS. Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floru- 
erunt opera. Paris, 1672; notes coll. 8368-376.1 These ‘ Anathemas’ 
were to be recited by converts from Manicheism to Christianity. 
In this long and valuable document, Zarades (probably Zoroaster) 
and his prayers (the Avesta?) are declared accursed as being con- 
nected with the Manichzan faith. Anathemas: dvafeyarilw Zapd- 
Snv ov 6 Mavys cov eXeye mpd adrot pavévra wap “Ivdois kai Ilépoas, xal 
qAavoy dmexdder* ody air@ 8& Kal ras Zapadefovs dvoyalouevas edyds. . . - 
dvabepati€w rods tov Zapadyv kat Bovday kat tov Xpeorov cal tov Mavyatoy 
kal TOV HALoy eva. Kal Tov avToY elval AéyovTas. .. . dvabepaTilw Tov Tarépa 
Mavévros Iaréxtov ota Wevorny kal Tod pevdous marépa, kal THY adTod pnTépa 
Kédpoccay, kai ‘Idpaxa xat “Hpaxrcidyv Kat "ApOdvoy tors tropvyparicras 
kal é€nyntas TOV TovTwY CvyypappaTwy, Kal Tovs AoLTOYs aiTod pabyTas 
Gmavtas, Zucivvioy tov Siddoxov THs TovToU pyvias, Qopav Tov cvvtasapevov 
76 Kat avrov deyouevoy edayyéAtoy, Bovdav, “Eppyay, "Aday, *Adeiuavrov, 
Zapovay,” TaBpidBrov, Aydrtov, ‘IAdpiov, OAvpacov, “Aptordxptrov, Sadpatov, 
"Iwatov, Udarv, Bapaiav, «.7.d. 

Similarly Goarius, EiyoAdyov siue Rituale Graecorum, Paris, 
1647, p. 885: dvabeuarilo Kai xarabeuarifw Sapddnv Kat Boddav kai 
SkvOavev tots tpd Mavxyaiwy yeyovéras. ... mpds S& rovrots dvabeua- 
tilw Kal karaBeparilw ov tols mpoyeypappevors mac “Iépaxa Kat “Hpa- 
KAconv Kat APOdnov rods eEnyntas Kal trouyypatiotas Tod aiTov dydpou 
kat BeBydAov Mavévtos kai Owpay cai Zapovav xat TaBpidProv.2 

1 See Kessler, Mani. i. 358-365, Ber- 
lin, 1889. 

2 Zaxovas siue Zaxovas, Kessler. 

8 An important passage which serves 
to throw light on these Anathemas is 
found in Petros Sikelos (about a.p. 
1100, see Krumbacher, Geschichte der 
byzant. Literatur?, p. 78), Historia 
Manicheorum, xvi. (col. 1265 seq., 
ed. Migne): — 

jv 3& mpd rotrov [sc. Mdvevros] kat 
érepos ths Kalas diddoxados Tavrns, 
Zapdvns dvéuart, dudppwy aitod smdp- 
xwv* paberal 8& TovTov Tod aytixpiorou 
Mayeyros yeydvact ddédexa’ Sislynos 6 

tovTou Biddoxos' Kal Owuas 5 Td kar 
abthy Mavxaiudy edayyéAioy ouvrdias* 
Bovddas re Kal ‘Epuas, “Adavtos kal AS/- 
MavTos, dv GaréoreAey eis Sid@opa KAlnara 
Khpua Tis wAdyys’ eEnyntal 5 abr@ Kar 
Sropvnuatioral yeysvacw ‘lépak Kal ‘Hpa- 
KAetbns Kal “AdOdri0s* dafipxov St arg 
kal €repor pabnral Tpeis, “Aydmrios 6 Thy 
‘EnrdAoyov cuvrdtas xa) Zapovas kat TaB- 
pidBus.... wacay yap aitav BlBrov 
as d0€BR SiSdypata Katéxovoay Kal BAac- 
gonulas mdons mewAnpwmerny Kal macay 
ebxhy Aeyoueynv map adrdy, maAdov ds 
yonrelav, 4 Kal? Auads ayla Kadoruch tad 
arooroAuch ExkAnola dveOeudrioes 


§ 43. Georgios Hamartolos Monachos 
(Wrote about a.p. 850) 

Chronicon, I. (col. 117, ed. Migne): kai rpG@rov Ovew Oeots XadSator 
8& éeBpov yrot Kurprot, Siahopotvra: yap vos Ieporxéy tadpxovres* tiv 
8 dorpovopiay epevpyKéevat mpOrot BaBvrdvior 8a ‘Qpwdorpor,' e dv 
Sevrepor rapeAjpacw Aiyvariot. THv yewmerpiay éx Tod amhérov THs yijs 
kat Tis Staipécews TOV xepwv mpodidaybervres: Kal «8 ovTw ypdipayres, 
érepo pereAaBov. tiv dé payeiay Kat yonteiav Kal dappaxeioy Midor piv 
épedpov xai Iépoa, Siadepovar 8& mpds GAAHAous* H pev yap payeia eri- 
KAnois éort Sapdvwr, dyaPorady 870ev mpds dyaGod aiarya twos, dorep 
ra tov AmoAXwviov tod Tvavéws Oecomiopara 8 ayabdv yeyovaow H Oe 
yontela émikdyois éore Satudvwy KaKkorroray epi Tous Tapous TeAoupévn emt 
Kakov Twos ovoTacw: dOev kal yonreta KékAntat dad Tay yobv Kal Toy 
Opnvev Tay mept Tois Tapous ytvopévor. 

See also under Chronicon Paschale, § 39. 

§ 44. Photios 
(Patriarch of Constantinople a.p. 875-879) 

Bibliotheca, Codd. LXXXI. (tom. iii.; col. 281, ed. Migne): 
dveyvdcOn BiBdddprov @eoddpov Iept ris év Wepoide payexjs Kat 
tis 4 THs edoeBeias Stagopa, ev AOyos Tpiot. mporpwvel SE adrovs 

‘ , 2 » ig 2 Fo Ef be / 
mpos MacrovBiov é& "Apyevias Sppcpevov, xwpericxomov S& Tuyxdvovra. 

i % fal , / if X A lol # a / 
kal év pev TO TPWTH Adyw TpooTiMeraL Td piapoy Tlepodv Sdypya, o Zapd- 
8ns* eionyjoato, yrot rept Tov Zovpovdp,® ov dpxnyov wavtwv cicdyet, Gv 

+ Ty Nene \¢ ae y , sv ‘Opuicd ) 2A 
kat Tuxnv cade? Kat dre orévdwv tva réxn Tov ‘Oppioday, érexev éxelvov 
kal Tov aravav' Kal wept tis ai’r&v aipomgias. Kal arAds 7d Succe- 

‘ \ ec Ed ra X ¥, > 6 > 4 > a c 
Bes Kat tréparcxpov Sdéypa Kara dew exbels dvacxerdler ev TO mpdTw 
Adyw. év SF Tols Aourois Svat Adyors TA wept THs edoeBots diépxerat 
miotews, dd THS KoTpoyovias apéduevos, Kal mEpt aitis THs xdplTos Spoiws 

3 he ¥ 
kai éretpoyddny diedOav. 

otros 6 Med8wpos 6 Mooveorias elvat Soxel. ryv te yap Neoropiov afpe- 
ow, kal pddtora ev TO TpiTw Adyw, Kpativwy mpocavadwvel, GAAG Kal THY 
TOV auapTwrv dTroKaTdoTacW TepaTeverat. 

1 Notice this contaminated form, a 2 Zaopddns ¢. 
mixture of Zoroaster and Ormazd (?). 8 Zapoudp s. 


§ 45. Suidas 
(Middle of Tenth Century a.p.) 
Suidas (ed. Kuster, Cambr. 1705) sub voc.: “AvrecOévys *AOy- 

tay t la * cal a > a % 4 
yaios.... auvéypae ropous Seka, mpdrov payixdy. ddyyetrar 58 repi 
Z Ed XQ 4 LA ra AY t cal 8€ > A én 

wpodaTpov Tivos payou eupevTos THY Godiay. TodTo Sé Tives “ApiororéAct, 

‘3 \ © # > , 
ot 8¢ ‘Pédwve dvariOéacwv. 

*Acrpovopia. 4 Tv dotpav Siavopy. mparor BaBvdAdyiot tavryv eped- 
N s pod V¢ s e of we a> y , 
pov 8a Zwpodorpov’ pc? ov xal ‘Qordyys* ot éxéorycay Ty otpavia. Kyo 

Zwpodotpys. Tepoouydys. copds mapa tovs év Ty dotpovopia. os 
kot mpatos yptaro rod wap airois modtrevomevov évépatos tav Mayuwyv. 
éyévero 8& mpd t&v Tpwixdv érecw ¢' [500]. péperar 8& adrod epi 
dicews BiBrAia F. wept AOwv Tysiwv &. dorEepooKoTikd. dmore\copa- 
rixa BiBria €. 

Zwpodotpys. “Aorpovdpos. emt Nivov Baoiréws “Acovpiwv. doris 
ia 4 b> x. > - a 4 aA ? ra ‘ 
nugaro br6 updos ovpaviov TedevTHCAl, Tapeyyvyoas Tois ‘“Acovpios tiv 
Téppav abrod pvAdtrev. ovTwW yap arois 7 BactArcia ovK exrciper dua 

wayTos, Omep péexpt viv wepiAaKTat Tap’ avrois. 

Zwpopacdpys. Xaddaios codds. eypaye paPnuarixa kai puorxa. 

Mdyoe rapa Iépoats of pirdcodor kat pirdbeor, dv Hpxe Zwpodorpys, 
Kol pera TovTov Kata Stadoxyy ‘Qoravas kai “Aotpdpipvxor. 

WvOaydpas. era [sc. yxovoe IvOaydpas] ABdpidos tod “YrepBopéov 
kal Zapytos To} Mdyov. 

§ 46. Hugo de Sancto Victore 
(Died a.p. 1141) 

Adnot. Elucidat. in Pentateuchon—in Gen. (tom. i. col. 
49, ed. Migne): Assur autem, recedens in terram quae postea ab 
ipso dicta est Assyria, multiplicatus est usque ad regem Ninum, qui 
ab eius progenie ortus est. hic condidit ciuitatem et uicit Cham in 
bello, qui usque ad illud tempus uixerat: factus rex Bactriae Nino 
uicinus, et uocatus Zoroastes inuentor et auctor maleficae mathe- 
maticae artis; qui etiam septem liberales artes quattuordecim colum- 
nis, septem aeneis et septem lateritiis, contra utrumque diluuium in 
utilitatem posterorum praeuidens scripsit. huius libros mathema- 


ticae Ninus adeptus uictoriam combussit. post haec audacior factus 
inuasit Nemroth, id est Chaldaeos, et acquisiuit Babyloniam, trans- 
ferens illue caput imperii sui. 

§ 47. Michael Glukas 
(Flourished about a.p. 1150) 

Ann. Pars II. (col. 253, ed. Migne; p. 244, ed. Bonnenn.): pera 
% Kpovoy éBacidevoe Nivos éry vf’, 6 qv oiKet po. (papuy 
8 Kp r N . vB’, 6s ye Ty oikeiay pytépa Seuipap 
AaBwy cis yuvaika, vopos éyévero THépoots AapBdvew ras éavtdv pyrépas 
, , e 
kat ddeAgas. e& ob yévous éyévero Kat Zwpoactpos 6 reptBontos Tepoty 
dotpovépos, os ele Tots Hépaats, gay xavoy we 7d otpdvioy wip — rodro yap 
mu 4 2 lal 3 f ‘ ¢ - z a 
mvyero — Ad Bere éx T&y doTéwy pov Kat didagcere cis oVoTaCLW THs Bact- 
delas tpdv. 6 Oy Kal yéyovev, év 8€ tals ioropiats ais éxpyoato Kard 
TovrAtavod 6 Oeordyos peyas Tpyydpios wal trade pyoi tiv dotpovopiay 
Aéyovrat rpOrov ebpyKévat BaBvdrdvior b1 Zwpodorpov, Sevrepov dé éde£avro 
y p a , Sedrep 
ot Alytmriot’ thy 8 payeiay ebpov MAdou, eira Tlépoar. Siadeper 8 payela 
a % -£ XX # oF Xr ¥ 4 g ry / > 6 fol 
yonteias, kal f pay payeia éxixAnois éorv, os act, Sarpdvuv é&yaforody 
mpos G&yabod Twos cvoTactv. ‘yonteia S€ éore Satudvwv Kaxoroidy Tept Tors 
, 2 3 * -% a 4 ig ~ ss *§ a 
tdous cidoupevwy ext KaKoU Tivos CoTacls. yonTeia S¢ yKovTey dd TOV 
} box: an a , t 5 fa S& dro M , 
yoav Kat Opjvev T&v ev Tols Tdots yivouévwv* poeta, 8€ dd Mayovoatwy, 
C4 cot Lf a & ‘ 3 re X 2 ie. e , 14 
qrot Tlepodv, dev éxxe kat THY dpxyv. Mayus éyxwpiws of Tépaat déyovrat. 

§ 48. Anon. 
Theologoumena Arithmetika, p. 42 f., ed. Ast (Lips. 1817): 

H paAddov, o kat [IvOayopixwrepov, éretdy Kal BaSvrwviwy ot Soxtuadraror Kat 
’Oordyys Kat Zwpodorpys ayédas Kupiws KaAotot Tas doTpiKds odaipas, 
nto. wap dooy Tedelws ayovTat wept Td KévTpov povat Tapa TA TwMATLKE 
* n 
peyéOn* dad Tod otvdecpol wus Kal cvvaywyal yonuarilew Soypariler ba 
a cal an 4 a a 
rap adtay t&v dvoid Adywy, as dyéAous Kara Ta aiTa KadrovoW ey ToIS 
¢ a Aa N t AS ae 2 ) , 2 s e 3 N nN 
iepots Adyous, Kata wapéurTwot dé Tod yaupa EPOappevws ayyéAous* Od Kal 
. n 
tos Kal’ éxdoryy toitwy tav dyyéAwv é€dpyovras dorépas Kal Sa/povas 
€ - s * > t 4 g 1: e ‘ \ 
dpoiws dyyéhous Kat dpxyayyéAous rpocayopever Oat, ofrep cicty era Tov 
2 ‘ ue 2 ig x a > 4 e ¢€ , 
dpOucv, dore dyyehia Kara rovTo érupdrata 4 éBSouds. 

§ 49. Petrus Comestor 
(Died 1178) 

Hist. Schol. Lib. Genesis XXXIX. (col. 1090, ed. Migne): 
Ninus uicit Cham, qui adhuc uiuebat, et regnabat in Bractia (ste, al. 


Thracia), et dicebatur Zoroastres inuentor magicae artis, qui et sep- 
tem liberales artes in quattuordecim columnis scripsit, septem aeneis, 
et septem lateritiis, contra utrumque iudicium [al. diluuium]. 
Ninus uero libros eius combussit. ab eisdem orta sunt idola sic. 

§ 50. Abdiae Apostolica Historia 
(Quotation of a Name Zaroés 1) 

Abdiae Apostolica Historia, Lib. VI.7. Passio SS. Simonis et 
Iudae: Atque haec de Iacobo. cuius fratres maiores natu, Simon 
cognominatus Chananaeus et Iudas, qui et Thaddaeus et Zelotes, et 
ipsi apostoli Domini nostri Iesu Christi, cum per reuelationem Spiri- 
tus Sancti per fidem fuissent religionem ingressi, inuenerunt statim 
inter initia suae praedicationis duos ibi magos, Zaroen et Arfaxat, 
qui a facie Sancti Matthaei Apostoli de Aethiopia fugerunt. erat 
autem doctrina eorum praua, ita ut Deum Abraham et Deum Isaac 
et Deum Iacob blasphemantes, Deum dicerent tenebrarum, et Moysen 
dicerent maleficum fuisse, denique omnes prophetas Dei a deo 
tenebrarum missos adsererent. praeterea animam hominis partem 
Dei habere dicerent, corporis vero figmentum a Deo malo factum 
esse, et ideo ex contrarlis substantiis constare, in quibus laetatur 
caro, anima contristatur, et in quibus exultat anima, corpus affligitur. 
solem et lunam deorum numero applicantes, aquam simul deitatem 
habere docebant. Dei autem Filium, Dominum nostrum Jesum 
Christum, phantasiam fuisse, nec uerum hominem, nec ex uera 
uirgine natum, nec uere tentatum, nec uere passum, nec uere sepul- 
tum, nec uere tertia die resurrexisse a mortuis adfirmabant. hac 
praedicatione polluta Persida post Zaroen et Arfaxat, magnum meruit 
inuenire doctorem, per beatos apostolos Simonem et Iudam, id est 
Dominum Iesum Christum. 

Ibid. 13: Haec et alia cum dux apud regem Xerxen disseruisset, 
excitati in zelum, qui cum rege fuerant Zaroes et Arfaxat magi, 
simul indignabundi rumores sparserunt: malignos eos homines esse, 
qui contra deos gentis contraque regnum tam astute molirentur. 
nam si uis scire rex —inquiunt— quod ea uera sunt quae dicimus, 
non prius permittemus hos loqui quam deos tuos adorauerint. tum 

1 This is cited because Zaroes (Za- Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegen- 
péns) has been identified with Zoroas- den, Braunschweig, 1883-1890. But 
ter by Néldeke in p. 76 of Ergdén- Gutschmid, Rhein. Mus. xix. 380 seq. 
zungsheft zu Lipsius Die apokryphen identifies Zaroes with Zarvan. 



dux: audetisne cum illis habere conflictum, ut si uiceritis eos, tum 
demum abiciantur? dixerunt magi: aequum est ut sicut nos adora- 
mus deos nostros, ita adorent et illi. respondit dux: hoe scilicet 
conflictus uester ostendet. ad haec iterum magi: wis uidere— 
inquiunt— potentiam nostram ut probes quia non poterunt loqui 
nobis praesentibus: iube adstare hic qui sint eloquentes in linguis, 
acutissimi in argumentis, et clamosi in uocibus. et si tunc ausi 
fuerint nobis praesentibus loqui, probabis nos esse imperitissimos. 
tune iussu regis et ducis omnes aduocati praesto facti, ita sunt a 
duce admoniti ut quanta possent constantia haberent cum his magis 
contentiones et eos a defensionum proposito, argumentorum suorum 
proposito excluderent. et cum in praesentia regis et ducis cuncto- 
rumque sublimium magi locuti essent, omnis illa aduocatio ita muta 
facta est, ut nec nutibus quod loqui non poterat indicaret. et cum 
unius fere horae transisset spatium, dixere magi ad regem: ut scias 
nos ex deorum esse numero, permittimus eos quidem loqui, sed 
ambulare non posse. quod cum fecissent, adiecerunt dicentes: ecce 
reddimus eis gressum, sed faciemus eos apertis oculis nihil uidere. 
cumque et hoc fecissent, expauit cor regis et ducis, dicentibus amicis 
eorum, non debere contemni hos magos, ne et regi et duci inferant 
debilitatem in membris. igitur hoc spectaculum a primo mane 
usque ad horam sextam dum spectatur, aduocati maerore confecti, 
ad suas reuersi sunt quique domos, nimio animi impulsu fatigati. 

Ibid. 17: Haec cum dixissent apostoli, deportati sunt ad hospitalia 
magi, qui per triduum nec cibum capere nec bibere ullo modo pote- 
rant, sed in his sola uociferatio doloribus extorta incessabilis extitit. 
postea cum iam res in eo esset ut pariter expirarent magi Zaroes et 
Arfaxat, accesserunt eos apostoli dicentes: non dignatur Deus habere 
coacta seruitia. igitur surgite sani habentes liberam facultatem 
conuertandi a malo ad bonum et exeundi a tenebris ad lumen. at 
illi permanentes in perfidia sua, sicut a facie Matthaei apostoli 
fugerunt, sic et ab his duobus apostolis fugientes, ad simulacrorum 
cultores, per totam Persidis regionem, ut apostolis inimicitias exci- 
tarent, ubique dicebant: ecce ueniunt ad uos inimici deorum nostro- 
rum, etc. 

Ibid. 20: Quippe Zaroes et Arfaxat magi facientes scelera multa 
per ciuitates Persidis, et dicentes se esse ex genere deorum, semper 
a facie apostolorum fugientes, tamdiu erant in quacunque ciuitate, 
qnamdiu cognoscerent apostolos aduenire, 


Ibid. 23: Quo tempore et duo, de quibus diximus, magi Zaroes 
et Arfaxat ictu coruscationis adusti ad carbonem conuersi sunt. 

Lib. VII. 1 de §. Matthaeo: In quam [sc. Aethiopiam] pro- 
fectus ipse, cum in ciuitate magna quae dicitur Naddauer moraretur, 
in qua rex Aeglippus sedebat, contigit ut duo magi Zaroes et 
Arfaxat simul essent, qui regem miris modis ludificabant, ut se deos 
esse remota ambiguitate crederet. et credebat eis rex omnia et 
omnis populus non solum memoratae urbis sed ex longinquis etiam 
regionibus Aethiopiae ueniebant quotidie ut adorarent eos. faci- 
ebant enim subito hominum gressus figi, et tamdiu immobiles stare 
quamdiu ipsi uoluissent. similiter et uisus hominum et auditus a 
suo officio refrenabant. imperitabant serpentibus ut percuterent, 
quod et Marsi facere solent et ipsi incantando multos curabant. et 
ut dici uulgo solet, malignis maior reuerentia exhibetur ex timore 
quam benignis ex amore, sic et illi uenerabiles apud Aethiopes, in 
magno diu pretio fuerunt. 

Ibid. 4: Conabantur autem interea arte sua magica excitare eos 
[se. suos duos dracones ante pedes Matthaei apostoli dormientes] 
Zaroes et Arphaxat, et non poterant neque oculos aperire neque 
penitus commouere quidquam. 

§ 51. The So-called Zoroastrian Logia or Chaldwan Oracles 


Introductory Note by Louis H. Gray.— Amid the luxuriant growth 
of apocryphal and prophetic literature, which sprang up in the first centuries 
of our era, no small part is ascribed to the faith of Iran. The wonderful 
eschatology of the Persian religion made a deep impression on the Hellenic 
mind at an early date, and this was to bring forth fruit in the development of 
Gnosticism and Neo-Platonism. Apparently in this way arose the so-called 
Chaldean Oracles, which bear the mark of Gnostic and Neo-Platonic mysticism 
and somewhat recall the Christian forgery of the Sibylline Oracles. 

The pseudo-Zoroastrian compositions had but a short shrift. The great 
Porphyry ruthlessly attacked them and suppressed them, and they are lost to 
us forever. Doubtless they were no better and no worse than the great majority 
of similar writings which have survived; perhaps we may even say that the 

1Js this a reminiscence of the legend of Zoroaster’s death by lightning, 
p. 124 seq.? \ 

Oneirokritikon of Astrampsuchos, a Christian forgery of about the fifth century, 
affords a type of some of these lost books. 

But in the writings of the Neo-Platonic philosophers there lay hid a mass 
of citations, termed ‘Chaldean Logia,’ or more usually, simply ‘ Logia,’ or 
again, introduced by the formula: ‘As saith one of the Gods,’ or even appear- 
ing without any introductory phrase whatsoever.! These Logia date in general 
about the end of the second century a.p., and they present to us a heterogeneous 
mass, now obscure and again bombastic, of commingled Platonic, Pythagorean, 
Stoic, Gnostic, and Persian tenets.2 I am inclined to doubt that the entire mass 
comes from a single source, although some have suggested that a certain Julian 
the Chaldean or his son, who lived in the period of the Antonines, may per- 
haps have been the author. However trivial the Logia justly appear to us, 
they received the serious attention of Iamblichos, Proklos, Simplikios, Damaskios, 
and Iohannes Ludos, while Hierokles and later Plethon wrote ‘compends of the 
Zoroastrian and Platonic Systems.’ # 

In the fifteenth century Georgios Gemistos Plethon, led on, as I venture to 
suggest, by some such allusion to Zwpodorpov Adyia as the reference contained 
in the citation from Xanthos, preserved by Nikolaos of Damascus, boldly foisted 
upon Zoroaster the Logia which had been hitherto only ‘Chaldean.’ This 
we may term the first recension. It consists of sixty lines and was first pub- 
lished by Ludovicus Tiletanus, together with Plethon’s commentary, at Paris in 
1568.5 This text was also commented upon by Psellos as early as the eleventh 
century. Possibly we may even regard Psellos as the compiler who gathered 
the scattered fragments which go to make up this collection. 

The second recension, if we may employ so dignified a term, was made by 
Franciscus Patricius in 1591. A second edition of this appeared at Venice in 
1593. This second edition forms the basis of Stanley in his History of Phi- 
losophy, 4 ed., London, 1748, Latin translation, Leipzig, 1711, and it was the 
only one accessible to me except Stanley. On this new collection of Patricius 
the present edition is based. The object of my work here has been to secure 
as good a text as possible. My chief aid, or rather my only aid, has been the 
masterly discussion by Kroll, ‘‘ De Oraculis Chaldaicis,’? in the seventh volume 

1 See Kroll, de Oraculis Chaldaicis, 
pp. 6-9, Breslau, 1894. 

2 Kroll, pp. 66-72. 

8 Tbid. 71. 

‘Ibid. passin; Kleuker Anhang 
zum Zend-Avesta, ii. Theil 1, pp. 8-9, 
16-18. Plethon’s Compend. is edited 
by Migne in his Patrol. Grec. tom. 
160. 973-974. 

5 This has unfortunately been in- 
accessible to me. I have used instead 
the edition by Servatius Galleus in 
his ZiBvarcakol Xpyouol, Amstelod. 
1689, and by Migne in his Patrol. 


Gree. tom. 122. 1115-1154, including 
also Psellos’s comment. In addition 
to the books already cited, I should 
mention the valuable compendium of 
the tenets of the Oracles contained in 
the seventeenth letter of Michael 
Italikos (for this identification see 
Treu, Byzant. Zeitschrift, iv. 1-22) 
edited by Cramer in Anecdota Oxo- 
niensia, iii. 180-183 (Oxford, 1836), 
and for the entire subject the valuable 
discussion in Harles’s edition of Fabri- 
cius’s Bibliotheca Greca, I. 307-315 
(Hamb. 1790). 


of the Breslauer Philologische Abhandlungen (Breslau, 1894). That his readings 
are given in the notes does not signify a rejection of them, They would gener- 
ally appear in the text if I did not desire to preserve Patricius’s text except where 
the latter is absolutely unintelligible. The motive for preserving this has been 
purely historical. The Breslau professor has practically collected the Logia 
anew, and he has learnedly discussed their sources and philosophical import. 
To him, moreover, the references to the Neo-Platonic authors cited in my foot- 
notes are mainly due. Mine has been the humbler task to reprint an obsoles- 
cent collection, with only those emendations which are absolutely necessary. I 
have made a translation of the Oracles or Logia, which I hope later to publish 
with a version of the other Greek and Latin citations found in this Appendix. 

The Oracles have never had many friends, and as a comment on them I may 
note that good old Thomas Hyde prayed that these ‘pseudoracula pessime 
conficta carmine Graeco’ might perish like others of their stamp (cf. Hist. 
Relig. vet. Pers., Pref. p. vi.). His prayer has been in great part fulfilled. In 
estimating, moreover, the general value of the Logia, we may say, in the words 
of Shakspere, that the good points in them, like Gratiano’s reasons, ‘ are as two 
grains of wheat hid in two bushels of chaff.’ 


War. Srov marpiky povas éott.! 

Aap. ravay éort povas Kat dvo yevva.* 

TIpéx. Aap. Suds yap rapa rade KdOynrat, Kat voepais dorpamre. Touats,® 

\& a N s \ 9 ¢ > D 

5 Aap. mavtt yap évy Koop dpe TpLaS WS povas dpxeu." 
9238 s , y eos 5 
apxy maons Tuyoews de H TAELs. 
Ld > ¥ ‘ a > ‘ - bf 
TIpéx. eis Tpia yap vods ele warpds TéuverOat arava, 


ov TO Oedew Karévevoe, Kal 4On TavT’ erérpyro.® 
> iy N, x a x > Ou ve 

eis Tpia. yap ele vols tatpds atdiov 

10 vo mavTa KUBEpvar. 
Aa, Kai ébavynoav ev abty 4 T dpeTy Kal 9 copia 
Pe ui] nT apeTy q ? 

kal 4 moAvdpuv arpéxera.® 

TH TOVdE peer Tpiddos S€uas mpd THs ovans, 

ov mpartys, GAA’ ov Ta perpetrat.® 

1 Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 2 (p. 98, 6 Proc. in Parm. 1091. 6; Dam. i. 
ed. Friedlein); in Alcib. 356. 20. 258. 25; ii. 60. 28; 62. 28. 

2Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 2 (p. 98, 7 Proc. in Time. 313 F. vois cine, 
ed. Friedlein); Dam. ii. 29. 16, ubi # Kroll. 
legitur et apud Patric. 8 Dam. ii. 45.10. +e pro 7’, Kroll. 

3 Om. yap, Kroll. Proc. in Crat. 56. 9 ef dupoiy 5) ravde péer rpiddos déua 
6; in Remp. 376. 384; Dam. ii. 177. mpdrns | ovens ob mpdrns, adr’ ob ra 
20, ete. vonta ertpetra, Dam. ii, 63. 21; 

4 Dam. i. 87. 3; ii. 87. 14. Kroll. 

5 Dam. ii. 58. 20, 


1 Dam. ii. 217.5. AdBpors pro AdBas, 




2 Dam. ii, 217. 5. 

TI pox. 

TI pox. 

ponit Kroll. 

8 Dam. i, 242. 18; 274. 7; ii. 67. 1, 
rnyh Tay HYG, wATpa ovvexovea 


ra mdvra, Kroll. 

4 duvdpot pro duvdpoto, Kroll. 


dpxais yap tpict ratcde AdBous Sovdeve dravra. 
icpds pros Spdpos, év 8 dpa pérow 

Hépuos, Tiros GAAos, Os év wupt THv xAdva OdAreL,” 
kal yy} THYaV, Kal THyav aragGv. 

pjrpa cvvéxovoa Ta TavTa.? 

A Oev &pSyv Opwoxer yeveots wodvorKiAov VAys. 
2vOev cupdpevos mpnoTyp dpvdpoio* rupds dvOos, 
Kocpoy évOpwcKwy KotAdpact. mavta yap évOev 
dpxerat cis TS Kdtw Teivet axtivas dyynrds.” 


e X\ 14 AY ¢ 29? > en 
éaurov 6 matip ypmacev ovd év éy 
Suvdper voepa KAeicas iSiov wip.® 
od yap dd marpikys dpyis dredés Te tpoxaler.! 
advta yap e€eréheoce TaTip 

‘ a 4 4 
kal ve tapéduxe Sevtépa, 
bv mpdtov Kdyilerar wav yevos® avdpav. 

5. rf * XA A 

matpoyeves pdos 7oAD yap udvos 
ex marpés GdKijs Spepdpevos voov dvOos.” 
épya vonoas yap marpiKds vdos adtoyéveOXos, 
maow éveoretpev Seopudv ruptBpiOy epwros, 
Oppo Ta mavTa wevy, Xpovov eis drépayTov époyTa 

, : N N ne t , ~ll 
pare Téoy TA TaTpds voepH ipacueva Peyye. 
ds év Epwrt pévy Koopov crorxeta pevoyTa.” 
yet TO voely marpiKoy vouv évdiddvat 
macals wyyals Te Kal dpyxais. 
*” X a A cay a 4 lal nw aA 
gore yap mépas ToD matpixod Buvb0d Kal ayy TGV voEpay. 

2 al an 

pyde wponrOev, GAN’ Enevey ev TO watpiKd Bvda,* 

® Psell. 58-59. 
oey, comment. 

7 Psell. 9. aal, Kroll. 

8 Alii 2vea pro may yévos, Psell. 
538-54. KAni¢ere, Kroll. 

9 Psell. 538-54. 

10 Proc. in Time, 242 D. 

NM yndé pro unre, Kroll. raot, voepas, 

6 marhp éavrdv pra, 

éy rovro.s, prae- 

5 Proc. in Time. 118 C (vy. 1); theol. 
Plat. 172. 6 (v. 2,3); 171. 9 (v. 3 b, 
4). aroOpgoxe: pro &pdnv Opener, Kroll 
cum coniectura any. 

2S aw epwtt péver xdopov croxeia 
Ogovra, Kroll, Proc. in Time. 165 E-F. 
18 Proc. in Time. 167 C. 



, , 
kal éy to ddvTy Kara. THY OeoOpeupova cryny. 
> x > 9 cel 2 § . a 
ov yap eis VAny mip erexeva TO TPaTOY 

jv Svvapuw KatakArcle epyots, dAAG vow. 


otp Bora yap marpiKds voos éoretpev Kara KOopOY 

ao, Lt N foo» 6 8 2s , 


a XN ¢ x ¥ ‘\ ye 2 , , 

45 Gs Ta voyTa voel Kai dppacra KAAAH voetrat.” 
Aau. ddroduis peptopds Kal dyéptoros. 
Aap. at rod évds vod Tod voyTov. 
50 II pox. 

Td péev €or voepa Kal vonTd, doa voouvTa. voetrat. 

> SS » 4 2 \ a. > \ fs 4 
ou Yap avev voos €OTL VONTOU ou Xwpis UTAPXEL. 5 


tpody 8& TH voodvre To vonTdv.® 
s N a ae, ] eo, 7 
pdvOave 76 vonrov, émel voov ew trapxet. 
kal ToD vod, os Tov epmvplov Kdopov dyet. 
a ‘ cal 2 c ¢ - Ed 8 
55 vou Yap vous EOTLY O KOT MOV TEXVLTYS TupLoV. 
a ‘\ c 4 Q * m” a 9 
Ot Tov brépKoopov TatpiKov BvOdv iote vootrTes. 

H vont Taons TunoEws aye. 
» ar a7 r,s s a t » 10 
ore dt 54 Te vontdv, 6 xpy oe voety voov dvOe. 


a a 
Hv yop ereykAivys, as dv vody, Kakelvo voyoys,” 

4 lat > a - 
gore yap dAKis dudipaods duvaps, 
voepais oTpamtovca Touatowy, ov 8) xpy 
Vd aA Xx A 2 a 
opodpdryte voety Td vontoy éxetvo, 
GAAG vdov Tavao0d Tavay pAoyt @ 
4 A ‘ \ ‘ > A 
\ 3) fay lol . oo \. 2 yy 
xpew 89 ToUTO voHoaL’ Ay yap éreyKAivys 
adv vody, KaKElVO VoHTELS ODK ATEVaS, 

1 Proc. in Time. 157 A; theol. Plat. 
333. 29; Dam. ii. 186.10. és pro eis, 

2 Proc. in Crat, 23.23. Sic Kroll. 
Stanl. Lond.,4 xaddAnira, sec. Patric. 
pro KadAnetrar; Lips., cadrwmi (er 

3 Proc. in Time. 68 F, 164 C; in 
Crat. 56. 5; Dam. ii. 177. 20, etc. 
xaréxew et érdyew, Kroll. & pro dé, 
Patric. 4 Proc. in Time. 267 D. 

5 Proc. in theol. Plat. 179. 7. vonra 
kat voepd, Kroll. 

6 Cf. Proc. in Time. 6 D. 

7 Psell. 50. pdbe... %w vdov, com- 

8 Proc. in Time. 157 A; theol. Plat. 
333. 29; Dam. ii. 186. 10. 

9 Dam. ii. 16.6; Proc. in Crat. 62. 9. 
Stan. gore. 

10 Psell. 51. 8 54, omis. comment. 
ydp pro 8¢ 84, Kroll, &pxee pro &yei, 

11 gdy pro ds dy, Kroll; éweynatyn et 
vonon, Stan. 12 935é pro dada, Kroll. 



> 2% x > 7 »” 1 
GAN ayvov ériotpodoy oupa, 

a fol 4 
hépovta, ans Woyns Telvas Kevedy voov 

10 eis TO vontov, Opa pabys TO voyTér, 

rel ew vou trdapxet.® 


Tov S& voel Tas vols Oedv, od yap dvev 

t 2 ON a Vos N > a a 4 

tois 5€ rupds voepod voepois mpyoTHpot aravTa 

75  eixafe SovAcvovra rarpos weLOwvidt Bovdy. 

Yi gos a af 2 2¢ , 

anyds TE Kal dpxas, Sweiv, del Te wevery d0Kvp OTpOpaAtyyt. 


2 - a cA X 2 3 / 
GAAG Sv’ obvoua cEemvey aKomunToO oTpOpdArLyyt 
Kéopots évOpdoxov, kparmviy ba warpos evry? 

80 db 8¥0 véwy H Cwoydvos mnyi TeptexeTar Wuxdv. 

Ay an €. - 
kal 6 rotytis, Os adtoupyav TexTyVvero Tov Kdopov," 

a9 4 ” n 8 
os €K yvooU éxOope TpwTOs, 

< 2 VoaA Gj ” , 9 
égoapevos tupt Tip, cvvdecpuv fpa Kepaooy 

mnyaiouvs Kpatipas, €ov rupos avOos émurxav. 

is dotpdm ats, é s 8 ever WayTo. 

85 yoepats aoTpamrret TO, » €pwros 0 everAnoe TavTa. 
7a arirwta turovcba.? 


z > a £ € Pd 
opyverow Eoikviat PepovTat, pyyviuevat 

4 \ 2 13 

a vods déyet, TO voeiy Spov Acye."4 

90 Ff wey yap Svvapts ory exeivors, vols 8 dx’ éxetvou.® 


ToAAai wey aide éreuBaivovor hacwots Koo pots, 

, % 
€vOpeoxovoat, kat év ais dxpdryres eacw tpets.” 

1 ardatpopoy pro érletpopor, Kroll. 

2 és pro eis, Kroll. 

8 ydov tw, Kroll. Dam. i. 154. 16. 

# Proc. in Time. 267 D; Dam. ii. 
16. 20; 57. 26. 

5 Proc. in Time. 242 D. éyet rd voetv 
marpixdy vodv {kal véov) evdiddvac méoaus 
mnyais te Kal dpxats Kal duety aicl re 
«.7.A,, Sic recte Kroll. 

Saar’ dvoua ceuvdy kal akoiuhre, 
Kroll. év@pdexwy, Patric. Proc. in 
Crat. 23. 20. TLeg. as pro ds. 

8 Seoug “Epwros aynrod ds ek K.T.A., 

¥ wépt rip cuvdéomov, Kroll. 

10 Proc. in Parm. 769. 7. 

1 Proc. in Time. 219 B. 

12 Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 148 (p. 613, 
ed. Diels). 

18 Proc. in Timex. 267 F. 

14 Psell. 1145 B. 

16 écelvp pro éxelvois, Kroll. Proc. in 
theol. Platon. 365. 1; in Alcib. prim. 
392. 7. 

16 wey 5h alse, Kroll. 

1 «at om. Kroll. Dam. ii. 88. 3. 

Ta wdvTQ, 



e 7 > ay ay 7 1 

2 x e No” , 72 
apxXas, al TaTpOs Epya voyoacat voyTa, 

95  aicOyrois épyots, kal capac drexddupay,® 

& ¢€ an ca a ® %. a” 
StardpOustor Eorares havat TH Tarpt kal TH VAN, 

VA 2? a , i ip an , 
kal Ta €udhavy pruynpata Tov ddaviv épyaldpuevat. 

kal tT apavy eis THY Euavy Kooporotiay éyypadovTes. 
vods marpos éppoigyoe, vonoas dxuad. BovdAy 

100 zappdpoovs ideas. 

anyas 8 dad pias dromracat 
matpobev yap env Bovdry Te Tédos Te. 

a > 
80 dv ovvarrerat TO watpi, dAAnv Kar GAAnv 

Sg t t 2 nA 5 
Lonv, dd pepiLopevav dxerav. 

GAN’ éuepicOnoav, voepo tupi porpyBeicat, 

105 eis dAAas voepds* Kdopw yap avat roAvudphw 

HH) N 4 » r) > Re se 6 

ixvos émeryduevos poppijs Kal” & Kdopos épdvOy.” 

7 is D , a , la:) 

e€ ns porlotvrat pepepiopevat GAAat, 

110 darAarot, pyyvipevat Kdopov Tepl copacw, 

ec ‘. i ia Cd 2 a 
ai wept KéArrous cpepdaréous, opyveroty eotkviat, 
opéovrat Tparrotcat* mepi 8 dui ddAvdts dAAn,? 
évvotat voepal rnyns warpiKns dro 

TOAD Spartdopevat updos dvOos ° 

115 dkoiwyrov xpdvov. 

axun apxeydvov idéas 

mparn Tatpds €BrAvoe réa8 abrobahys myyy. 

voovpevat ivyyes matpdbev voeovor Kal adrai, 

a 3 6 = < 4 fol 
Bovdals apbéyxrow Kivodmevat wore vonoat. 

1 Dam. ii. 88.7. smoréxArrat, Kroll. 
Alii adAwv (ef. Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 
145, p. 628, ed. Diels). 

274 vonrd, Kroll. [Kroll. 

3 Dam. ii. 200. 23. dupexdrvipar, 

4 5& was, Kroll; was tro raca, con- 
iecit Schneck apud Kroll. Proc. in 
Parm. 800. 11. 

5 Om. has lineas duas Kroll. 

8 of kar’ &kocuov Pro od Kata Kéopov, 
Kroll. 7 uéra pro xaé’ &, Kroll. 

8 eyap.juévos Pro Kexapioueévos, Kroll. 

% orpdmrroveat PIO tparodca, Kroll 
sec. Thilo. wept +’ dud) mrapaoxeddy 
&AAvéis, Kroll. 


10 rovad | dperréuert, Kroll sec. 

11 axuy | apxeydvous, Kroll, 

12 Psell. 55-56, in comment. ai tuyyes 
apOeyros, Kroll. 
BovaAdy apOeyrwy, comment. per has 
wyyas (cf. Kroll, p. 41) a Laevio frag. 
10 ed. Miiller, Lips. 1892 inter ‘omnia 
philtra’ laudatas, conatur Pater ani- 
mam humanam reducere. haud aliter 
apud Theocritum Idyl. ii. incantat 
pharmaceutria : 

vootmevar marpdbev. 

tuys, Ake th tivov éudy mort dana Tov 




e€ adrod yap mavres ExOpdoxovet. 


120 duedAccrol re Kepavvol Kal mpnornpoddyot KéAoL 

rapdeyyéos GXxijs tatpoyevois ‘Exdrys,” 

kat trelwxds updos avOos 75 Kparatdv 

a : , eee 3 

a = 
poupety ad rpnoripaw €ois dxpérytas eduxey, 

125 éyxepdoas dAkijs idiov pevos év ovvoxedouv.* 

Son» 4 \ 3 . > 8 

Ort epyaris, drt €xddris earl rupds Lwnpopov, 

drt Kal 76 Cwoydvoy Anpol THs “Exdrys Kddrov, 

kal émippet roils ovvoxedow dAxiy CeiSwpov rupds 

130 péya dvvapevouo.® 

a 4 
GNA Kal ppovpol Tov épywv eiol rod rarpds.? 

a a * x ¢ f 2 fal 2 Cg 
Apomotot yap Kal EavTov, EKEivos EmELYOMLEVOS 

tov Turov mepiBddrAcoba Tov cidéAwv.S 

c & , , a ~ 


135 rots S€ wupds voEpod voepols mpnaTHpaty 

dmravta eixaGe dovrAevovrTa. 


GAXG Kat dAaiots Goa Sovrctet cvvoxedo." 

écoapevov mévrevyov GAdkyv pwrds Kedddovros # 

GAH TpryAix@ voov Wuyyv F érAicavta 


140 rayroiados otvOnpa BadrAaw dpevi,* 

> > cat > rg Pag > ew) 
pnd emiporrav éumvpiors oropadyy dxerois, 

GANG ort Bapyddv. 

€ be NX >» X is n. ii? 
ot 6€ Ta droua Kat aicOynra Snp.rovpyovcr, 

‘ a \ , = a 
Kal owpaToedy Kal KaTaTeTaypeva Eis UAV. 

1 roid St exOpgonovow duelAtcrol Te 
«7A, Kroll. 

2 airyfs pro dAknjs, Kroll. Hecaten, 
quae a Proclo Hymn. vi. 1 dedy uijrep 
appellatur, una cum Rhea a Platonicis 
confusam esse demonstrat Kroll, pp. 
27-31 (cf. p. 69). 

3 Proc. in Crat. 63.4; 85.22; Dam. 
ii, 89. 31; 133. 3. 

4 Dam. ii. 125. 22. 

5 Psell. 57, was (yap) pro & mas, 
Kroll. 4, omis. comment. 

® Proc. in Time. 128 B. 

7 Proc. in Theol. Plat. 205. 

8 Proc. in Time. 103 E-F. 

9 Dam. de princip. 234. 

10 Dam. ii. 87. 21. 

11 Dam. ii. 87. 21. 

12 Dam. i. 155.11. écodwevor, axuhv, 

18 Dam. i.254.1; ii. 62. 29; 95. 23. 
TpiyAdxuvt pro TpryAlx@, Kroll. 

4 ray tpiddos pro mavrolados, Kroll. 







Srre Woy} ip Suvduer watpds odoa patydr,' 

> , if f *. a - 2 ‘% 
dOdvards re pever kat Cwns Seordris éoriy 
kat icxe Kdopov TOAAG tAnpwpara Kory.” 

ao. , t N 8 2 ” , 3 
vod yap pipypua rede, TO OF TexFev Exet TE THpaTOS. 

’ S32 a bs db6. ” dod 4 
pryvupevov & éxerGv, rupds aPOirov epya Tedovoa. 
x Or \ , foe yo. 
pera. 8y Tarpixads Stavoias Wuxy, éyw, vaiw 
, a < , 5 4p) % 

Gepun, Yuxodoa Ta mévra.’ Karéfero yap 

a XN 2%: a 5 + 28. , 3 a 
voov pev evi Wuyy, Yuyny & évi cdpate dpyd 
es 2 t \ 3 a a 6 
Hecov eycateOyke raryp dvdpOv te Gedy re. 
dpdyv éupvyotoa pdos, rip, aidépa, kdcpovs.” 

st DS x XN» " rd L. 

owvictatat yap TA Pvotka Epya TH voepwo Heyyer 
Tov matpos.® Yuxy yap 9 Koopyoace, Tov wéyav 
ovpavov Kal Koopodoa pera TOD TaTpos. 

, YS a a ee , 4 9 
képara 8& Kai atris éoTHypiKTas ave. 
votos 8 ddl Oeds picts darderos ywpytat.” 
+ 8 > - E) 3 ¢ + 2 
dpxe & ad dvots dxapaty kéopwv TE Kat épywv, 

> . oY» D , a7 , . 
oipaves Oppa Gey Spdpov didioy KaTagvpwy 

\ ‘ a \ , oi 29s. 7 11 
kal Taxds péAtos wept KevTpov, dws Bas On. 
pH picews euBrQhys eiuappevoy ovvoya Thode.” 


e soa > a 2 x Q 13 
6 ToLnTHS Os alToupyav TekraiverOa T6v KOT MOV. 

\ oy . oY» ” ¢ +. eu BS , 4 
kal yap Tus Tupds Gykos env Erepos* Ta Se wdvTa 
avroupyav, iva capa TO KoopiKoy éxToAvTevOy, 

Koopos tv éxdyAos, Kat py paivn? ipevaddys. 
.o¢ , 2 N 2 Yoo 1 
Tov GAov Kéopov ek mupds Kal VdaTos Kal ys 

Y , a 16 

kal mavTotpodov alOpys. 

1 Pell. 22-24. 811 puxh wip odca 9 Alii legunt «pdrn. 

gaewdy Suvduer ratpds, comment. 

2 yer pro Yoxer, comment. 5; in Remp. 22. 17. 
Time. 87 E. vod uév yap, 11 Proc. in Time. 4 D, cf. 323 B; 
Dam. ii. 157. 15. yap pro 8 ad, Kroll. 

3 Proc, in 

# Proc. in Remp. 399. 33. 

5 Proc. in Time. 124 D. depuy, Kroll. 155. 26; 164. 7; in Time. 322 D. 


10 Proc. in Time. 4 D; in Parm. 821. 

12 Proc. theol. Plat. 317. 29; de prov. 

8 S4oas pro juéwy, Kroll. Proc. in 13 leg. ds pro bs TexTi{vaTo, Stan. 
Time. 124 D. 14 rade pro ra, de, Kroll. om.yap, Patric. 
7 Simplic. 143 (p. 613, ed. Diels). 16 éf §5aros, Kroll. 

8 Proc. in Time. 106 A, C. 16 Proc. in Time. 154 E. 


aA ca 
170 7 dppyta Kal TA pyTa cwOnuaTa TOD KOopMoV. 

, 5 
dAAnv Kar’ GAAnv Cuny dard peptLopevwv oxerGv. 
dvwbev Supkovros ext 76 Kat’ dyTiKpy 

x fal a a a ‘ , ¥ + 
bia. TOD KévTpou THS yHs Kal wéeurroy pécov, GAAOV 
mupyoxov, évOa Kareiot expt tAaiwy 6xeTGy, 

175 Lwnpdptov wip.) 

ia 2 hg ‘ % dy LO 2 
KevtTpw émiorépywy cavtov hutds KeAdOovTos. 
anyatov adXov, os Tov épardpiov Kdopov dye? 

, 27> Bon t ” > * 4 
KevTpov dd’ ov macae mexpis avTvyos toa éacw. 
otpBora yap watpiKds vdos éoretpe KaTd, KOoHOV. 

, a t eur , A 5 

180 pécov Tay TaTépwy ExdoTys KevTpov Popetrat. 
a YN , L . od ae? , 
vod yap mipnua weer’ TO SE rexOev exer Te TwpmaTos. 


eo. yu ge N , , 6 
érra. yap edyxwoe TaTyp TTEpedpaTa Koo Muy. 
Tov Ovpavev KUPTO TXNMaTe TEptKrEioas, 
ange St roAdy GptAov dorépwy dmAavay,! 
185 Lowy 8& wAavopevwy bpéoryKev Exrdda.° 
hes > 2 ’ ‘\ VA > > 4 ¥ 
ynv 8 év péow TiOeis, Vdwp 8 ev yaias KéXArots, 
Bie: Go _ 
Hepa 8 dvwHev TovTwv. 
ange dé kal roAtw dptrov dorépwv drdavav,? 
pay Tao erirdvy Tovnpa- 
190 anger d& rAdvyV Odk exovon Peper Oat, 
émnfe 88 Kai roddty outdrov aorépwy azAavav 
TO Tp Tpds TO Tip évayKdoas, 
, £ > 2 t t 
ange trAdVNV odK exoton PépecOat. 
€€ abrods tréarynoey, EBdopov pedlov 
195 pecepBodrrnoas Tip, 
70 draxtov abréy eitdkrots dvaxpeudoas Covats. 
#. < € \ 3F f t bd * - 
Tikrer yap Ged Hedidy Te péyay Kal Aaumpav ceARVAV. 
id , 7 a tf a4 > 7 
aiPyp, Ate, mvetpa oedyvys, Epos ayo, 
GAtaKkGv Te KiKAwy, Kal pyvaiwy Kavaxio pov 

1 Proc. in Timez. 172 C. (wigopoy, 6 Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 144 (p. 616, 
Patric. ed. Diels). 
2 Proc. in Time. 236 D. éavrdy, Stan. T anyviva, Kroll. 
3 Proc. in Time. 8 (évwv ... bpiordvew, Kroll. Proc. 
4 Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 15-16 (p. in Tima. 97 A. 
155, ed. Friedlein). (Patric. & ruxdv.) ® Proc. in Time. 280 B, ubi tamen 

5 Dam. ii, 164. 18. péooov, ‘Exdrys,  xpwudvev pro déper Oa legitur. 
wepophoda, Kroll. 10 Proc. in Time. 280 B. 


200 KdAmwy Te HEpiwv. 

4 t > \7 ‘ , 2 a ¥ af 1 
alOpys pédos, HeAiov Te Kal uyvns dxeTav, 4 TE Epos 

kal TAaTis ayp, pyvaids Te Spdmos, Kal det 7OA0S HeACLOLO.” 

ovdAd€ye atté AapBavovos aiPpys pédos,? 

> Ce 4 Ng a7 Ea 
qHeAiov Te ceARVYS TE Kal Goa, HEpt OvVEXOVTAL. 

205 mip mupds eLoyerevua kal Tupds Tapias.* 
xairat yap és &d mepuxdre purl Brérovrat? 

év0a Kpovos, 

as , > L , € , 
HeXdwos mapedpos €TLOKOTEWY arOAov ayvov. 

aideépids Te Spomos Kai pajvyns drderos 6pyy 

210 pepiot re foal.’ 

HeAvv Te péyav Kal Napmpay cedjvyv. 


Geov eykdopiov, aidviov, dépavrov, 

véov Kal mpecBirny, éAtKkoed7. 

% cal ” a \ 2 7 4 + 
Kal 3yyatoy aAXov, os Tov EprvpLov KOO MOY ayet. 


215 xpi ve orevdey mpds Td Pdos Kai mpds Tatpos abyas 

evOev eréupOyn oor Woy Tord Exoapevy vodv. 
a A > f X > @ > * 
Taira matyp évonoe, Bpords & of epixwro. 

Ld \ ¥ ig ot a -_ 10 
cip Boro. yap Twarpikds voos évéoretpe Tals Wuxats, 

épwrt Babel dvarAnoas THY Woy. 

220 KaréBero yap vodv év Yoyy, év copare Se 

er 1 Sa wn a 
tpéas eyxaTeOnke taTip avdpav Te Oedy Te. 

> , Fd > » - ¥ 
dowpara pév éore Ta Ocia TavTa, 

, Ng > a mn eR 2 5é5 ll 

‘ 8 tL ar) 4 a G a0) 

1 uépos hedtov Te (an pevos?), Kroll. 
48 pro 4 re, Kroll. 

2 &elaodos pro ae) wédos, Kroll. Proc. 
in Time. 257 E. 

* Proc. in Time. 311 A. 
AauBdvovoay, pépos, Kroll. 

4 Proc. in Time. 141 F. 

5 Proc. in Remp. 387. 43. géy post 
xatrot, inserit Kroll et legit reppsndrs. 

6 Proc. in Time. 279 F.  iealoso, 


7 Proc, ap. Simpl. 614. 2. 
8 Psell. 13-14. 
Proc. in Time. 3386 A. 6€ oi, 


10 Psell. 49 comment. omis. yap et 
tais, et legit Zomeipe. 

11 §¢ pro & éy, Kroll. 

2 peracxeiv, dowudrws Tov dowudror, 








1 Proc. in Remp. 359. 23 B. 
% xatidvras, Kroll. 

3 Proc, in Time. 321 A. 

4 racav, Kroll. 

5 bABioral, vqyar’, Kroll. 


kd. Thy copay eis qv evexevtpicOyte iow." 
éy 8& Ged Keivra mupoovs EAKovoat axpaious 
ex marpdbev xartdvres, ap av Wuxy KatidvTwr? 
éurupiov Spérerat kaprOv, Wuxorpddoy avOos. 
36 Kal voyoacat Ta épya TOD waTpos 

potpys cipapyérys 7d wrepov pevyovow avaudés.° 
kav yap THvde Yuxny ibys aroKatacracay, 
GAN GrAAnv evinor watyp évapiOpwoy etvat. 
para, 8} xetval ye paxdptarat éoxa. raréwv* 
Yuxdwy, worl yaiav dx’ odpavdbev tpoxedvrau. 
Kelvat GABuai Te Kal od gard vypara exovoa.? 
boca dx’ aiyAjevtos, dvak, oer, 7 O€ Kai adrod 
éx Atds é&eyévovro pirou Kpatepis tm dvaykys.° 
HyeioOw Woyxijs Bdbos duBporov, dupata S a&pdyv 
mavra éxrétatoy ave.” 

pire kdrw vevoys eis Tov pedavavyéa Koopov,® 

@ BvOes atv daioros iaéotpwrai te Kal “Acdys ° 
dpdixvedys, putowr, ciSwAoxapys, dvonros, 
Kpnuvedys, TKOALES, Twpov BdOos aitv EXicowy,” 
det vuppevuv davis deuas, dpyov, darvevpoy." 
kat 6 picopaviys KOopos Kal TA TKOALA PElOpa 

tp dv Todo KatacvpovTat.”” 

, 4 13 

Cyrnoov mapddecov. 
a x 

diLeo ob Wuyis dxerov, SOev } rie ther # 

a , 38. , ay? ® 92 Z 15 
owpate Onreioas, emi rag ad’ ys eppins 

> 2 , em ys er 16 
atfis dvacricets, icp Aoyw epyov évwaas. 

a lé 

pare Kdrw vetons, Kpyuvos Kara yhs imoxerta,” 

id J 
éxtatopov sipwv Kata Babuidos * qv vo'® 

of moAAol, Kroll. 
18 Psell. 25. 

Wuxqs, Kroll. 

2 Proc. in Time. 339 B. picopats, 

14 [ral] pro ot, comment. 

6 Synes. de insomn. 151 C. 

7 Psell. 37-38. ofyvicOw, Kroll. 
Mara 5€ mavra | apSnvy, comment. 

5 unde pro whre, Kroll. 

® Sic Dam. Synes., auoppos iréorpw- 
rat kal dedjs. 

10 rnpdv, Kroll. 

11 Dam. ii. 317 (Synes. de insomn. 
138 C). ‘ 


16 ag’ is epptns, om. comment. et 
Kroll, qui legit @nrevcac’ et coni. bméBy 
kal 7s. 

16 (@bs pro ab@is, comment. 

V7 uh [5] pro ware, comment. pi 
(5), Kroll. 

18 Sg’ hy 6 THs | avdyxns, comment. et 
Kroll. Psell. 4-6. 




devs dvayKys Opovos eoriv, 
by ov ¥ adsave Thy ciuappevyv." 
255 ux fy meporwv Oedv dye was eis Eavryv? 

ovdey Ovyrov exovoa, dAn Gedbev pepeOvarar? 

dppoviay adyel yap if’ Hf wéAe cpa Bporeiov. 


2 7 , ny 2 > > , 

a a 
pevorov Kai cGpa cadces.? 

” V 997 \ > c > , 6 
260 ore Kal cidwrAw pepis eis Toroy dudipdorta. 

mavrobey arAdotw Wuyy mupos yvia Télvov. 


5 wupibadmys evvoia mpwtiorny exe Tab. 

TO Twupl yap Bpords éurrehacas Oecbev dos ee.® 

SyOvvovte yap Bpots Kpatrvol paxapes TeACovory.? 

265 al vrotvat peporwy dyxrepat © 

kal Ta Kakys VAns BAaoTHpaTA xpnoTa Kal éoOAd. 

Amis tpepérw oe mupyoxos dyyeAtkG evi yopo.” 

GAN’ od eicdéxerat Keivns 76 OédeLv marptKds vods, 

pexpts dv EeAOn ANOys Kal Pyya Aadjon. 
270 pynpnv evOemevyn marpiKod ovvOypaTtos &yvov.” 

Tots O¢ Oidaxroy paovs Cdwxe yvwpiopa rAaBErOae. 

Tous & Umvdovtas és evexdpmicey Gdxhs.? 

py rvedua pordivys, pynde Babivys 76 émimedov.4 

pdt To THs VAs cxvBarov Kpynyve katadreiys. 
275 pm eSdéns, tva py ekrodoa éxy TH." 

Bin ort cpa Avrovrav Woxai Kaapwrarat. 
poxis eEworhpes, dvamvoot, evAvtoi eiocy. 


Aaja’ ev Aayoow ‘Exdrys dperis weA€ wyyy ? 

1Psell. 8. cuvavtfons, comment, 

2 Comment. omis. 7 et mas. adrhy, 

8 @cd@ev, om. comment. 

4 Psell. 19-21. 

5 Psell. 30-31. etdoeBias, Kroll ; 
mupivov, Stanl. 

6 Psell, 27. 

7 Psell. 45. 

8 Proc. in Time. 65 B (ubi legitur 
Thy wupOadrrh evvorav mpwrlarny exew 

9 Proc. in Time. 65 D. Omis. yap, 

10 Pell. 36. 

11 Olymp. in Pheed. 31. 21; 34.3. 

12 Psell. 10-12. Omis. comment. rd 

18 Synes. de insomn.135 A. didaxrby 
Zaxe pdovs, Kroll. xal post dé, inser, 

14 Pgell. 26. rovmiredov, Kroll. 
16 Psell, 28. od3€ karadelWes, Kroll. 

16 Psell. 29; cf. Plotinus Enneades, 
i.9. In comment. ein éxoved 71. 

VW Psell. 1141 B. xardparos, coniec. 

18 Psell, 16, 

19 Aarfis év Aaydow Kolrns, Psell. 

dvdrvoes, comment. et 






1 ry 


évSov 6An pipvovoa, TO TapHevov ov mpotetoa.! 

. , , ¥ : 2 

@ ToApypotatys Picews dvOpwre Téxvacpa, 

Hy TA TEAWpLA perpa yains bro ony pPpeva BddAov, 
od yap dAnGeins purov évt xOovi® 

Payre pérpet érpa HEeALov Kavovas ovvabpoicas,* 
adi Bovdy péperat odx Gvexa ceio? 

Lqvatov re Spounua Kal doréptov mporopOevpa.® 
pajvys poiLov éacov, det Tpéxer Epyw avayKys 

> , Q 4 , 33 0. 7 
dorépioy mpotopHevpa, wey xaptv odk édAoyevOn. 
aidéptos épviOwv rapoos rAatis ovror GAyOijs. 

> a G Loe tM 997 a 
od Ovovav orAdyxvev Te Topal’ Tad GOvpyata tavTa, 

€prropiKys amaryns oTypiypata’ pedye od Tada 
ff > 7 e ‘ LA > a 
pddAwy eioeBins iepov mapddecoy dvolyey, 
20 2 N y 9 , , 9 
évO dpery codia Te kal ebvopia cvvayovTat. 
N .. 2 a a Sy 27 10 
oov yap ayyeiov Ojpes xOoves oikyKovowy. 
a2 oN Se \ 5 , 2 L L ll 
avrovs dé xOwv katodvperat és Téxva. Eexpts. 


H dvors reiGer etvar rods Saipovas dyvous, 
kal Ta KaKHs UAns BAaoTHpaTa xpyoTa Kat eoOAd.Y 
GXAG Tatra ev &Bdrous onKots Stavotas dvedirTo. 

i teeN Shptee AE 275 n 13 
mip tkeAov oKiptndov ex H€pos oidua TiTalvov, 
Xn ‘ im ‘ed ig x 4 
q Kat wip atimwrov Obey dwvny tpodéovcay, 

x an na 

H Pas wAovatov dudtyennv, porlatov, éhuyGev *# 
GAAG Kal troy ideiv Pwros tAdov daTpdmTovTa, 
a \ 28 a , 2 , ¢ 18 

H Kal maida TEols vwTots eroxovpevov Urrov, 

” x in Xx 

€umvpov 7} Xpvoeo wervKacpevov 7 TaAtyvpvov * 
9 Psell. 1128 B. C. 

et mapOévov, comment. 


Psell. 17-18. 

2 Psell. 39. rodunpas éx, comment. 

3 éy pro éyl, Kroll. 

unde pro phre, Psell. et Kroll; 
Bétpov, Kroll. 

5 ratpds post déperat, Psell. et Kroll. 
cov, Kroll. Psell. 1128 B, C. 

6 Proc. in Timx.277 D. mpordpeuya, 
Kroll et Psell. 

7 Proc. in Time. 277 D, et Psell. 
1128 B, C. wapondpevpa, Kroll et Psell. 

8 grouat, Patric. ; d0oua:, Stanleius, 

10 Psell. 7. Comment. omis. yap. 

11 Psell. 15. de) rodode...4& & Tovade, 
Kroll. karwpverar, comment. kardpicrar, 

12 Psell. 34-35. In comment. inserit 
miotevew post melBer. 

18 Proc. in Remp. 380. 5. 

14 dugipats, Stan. Lips. 

16 Melius Kroll, 007s pro reois. 

16 rdéAr yuuvdv, Kroll. 

auol yun, 



x \ , Ye un 2 Noe 1 

305 moAAdkts Hv AdEys pot, dOpnces wdvr dxdVvovra 


¥ N > 7 \ , Ya BS 3 
OUTE yap oupavios KvOpos TOTE daiverat oyKos. 

dorépes od Adurovet, TO pnvys POs KexdAvTTEL, 

xOev ody eornkev, BA€meral Te TavTA Kepavvois.! 

By Pioews Kadéons avromtov dyaApa,? 

310 od yap xpy Keivous oe BACraw mpiv copa TerAEoOy. 

drt Tas Wuyas Oédryovres del THY TeAeTOY arayovow. 


2 yy : , , , , 
éx 8 dpa KoArwy yains OpwoKover xOoviot Kives, 

ovmor dAnbeis cGua Bpord avdpt deuxvivres.” 

évépyet wept Tov “Exatixov orpddadov.® 

315 dvéuara BdépBapa pyror ahAaéys,9 

ON X\ -: ¥ i oo , 
eici yap évouara map éxdoros Oedadora 

Svvapwy ev TeAeTals dppytov éxovra. 

Ht ppntov &x 

qvixa BArYns popdis drep ediepov wip 1 
Aapmropevov oxiprndov OAov Kata BevOea Kdcpov, 

320 KADOL arupds pwvyv. 

qvixa Saipova 8 épyduevov rpdayeov dOpyoys, 

Ove AGov pviloup éravdav.4 

> Yo fu 2 a 12 

rarip od PdBov evOpsaxe, reOw 8 emryevder.18 

1 égrnadr’, Kroll. 

2rdvta Agovta pro mdvryn Aextdy, 
comment. adytn Aexrdéy, Psell. Nos 
sec. Kroll. 

3 kuprds pro xvdpds, comment. et 

* Psell.40-44. padéyerat, melius Kroll. 

5 Psell. 1186 C. 

6 Proc. in Alc, 340. 6. 

7 Psell. 82-33. o#7’, comment. Om. 
avdp\ in comment. Alii, é« % dpa «da- 
may yalns Opwoxovo’, otmor’ adnOes | oRua 

TeAco OTs, 

Bpore avdp) xObvio1 edves Serxvivtes. 
8 Psell. 1133 A. 
9 Psell. 1182 C. 
10 (dé), Kroll. Psell. 46-48. 
11 Psell. 1148 B. pvotfip éerdiwy, 

Kroll. sub voce prlfovpey suspicor 
forsan corruptionem part. pass. arab. 

ygleic (manziir) de verbo ye 

(nazar) ‘videre’ sublatere. si hoc 
recte se habet, de sententia confer 
Geoponica xv. 1. 8: 6 AvKos mpoopdy 
Tov dvOpwrov dobevéctepov adrdy Kal 
. dpGels 5é mpdrepos 6 
AvKos avrds dobevérrepos ylverat. verba 
ex linguis orientalibus in incantamen- 
tis huiusmodi frequentissime usurpari 
docet Heim in Annal. Philol. Suppl. 
xix. (1892) p. 528, qui etiam exem- 
pla multa ’Eg¢eolwy ypayydrwy profert 
pp. 529-542. 

12 Psell. 52. 

18 Psell. 60. 

&dwvov moe? . . 







Allusions to Zoroaster in Armenian Literature 

Tur references to Zoroaster in Armenian literature, so far as I 
know, are few, but other scholars may be able to add to the list. 
Those allusions easiest to be found are in Langlois, Collection des 
Historiens anciens et modernes de l’Arménie, 2 vols., Paris, 1867-— 
1869; see tome i. pp. 28, 29; ii. pp. 59, 69, 189, 191, n., 230 (877), 
381. These references are used here in part. 

(a) The So-called Armenian History of Khorene. 
—The chapters of the so-called Armenian history of Moses of 
Khorene which refer to Zoroaster give the same or a similar record 
as Cephalion and others‘ in associating his name with Semiramis. 
Zoroaster is a Magian and religious chief of the Medes. Semiramis 
gives into his charge the government of Assyria and Nineveh, and 
entrusts to him the greatest power, while she withdraws to her favor- 
ite city in Armenia. Zoroaster raises a rebellion against Semiramis, 
and the issue of the war is told. 

Several translations of Moses or of this passage are accessible: 
Whiston, Moses Chorenens., London, 1736, 1. ch. 16 (quoted in Miller’s 
Frag. hist. Gr. iii. p. 627, and in Gilmore, Persika of Ktesias, Lon- 
don, 1888, p. 30, n.); Langlois, Collection des Historiens anciens et 
modernes de l Arménie, Paris, 1867-1869, tome ii. 59, 69; cf. ibid. i. 

1E.g. Agathias ; cf. Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 412. 


p. 28 (Mar Apas Catina, ch. 10); Lauer, Moses von Chorene, Geschichte 
Gross-Armeniens tibersetzt, Regensburg 1869, p. 13 seq. The sources 
are discussed by Carriére, Nowvelles sources de Moise de Khoren, 
Vienna, 1893; cf. also Vetter in Festgruss an Roth, p. 81 seq. 

For a rendering of the passages, in which Zoroaster is alluded to 
in Moses of Khorene, I am indebted to the kind help of my col- 
league, Mr. Abraham Yohannan, of Columbia University, whose 
version is here given for convenience. 

Mos. Khor. 1. 6 [in speaking of Zrvan and basing the narrative on the legen- 
dary Berosian Sibyl, Moses of Khorene alludes to three princes of the earth, 
‘Zrvan, Titan, and Japhet’ (Zrvan, Didan, Habedost). In his opinion these 
are identical with ‘Shem, Ham, and Japhet’ (Sem, Kam, Habet). He then goes 
on to state, upon the authority of the Berosian Sibyl], ‘These divided the 
whole world between them. Over the other two, Zrvan gained the mastery, — 
he, of whom Zoroaster (Zradasht) king of the Bactrians, that is the Medes, 
states that he is the source and father of the gods.’ 

Mos. Khor. 1. 17 (16) ‘About Semiramis— The reason why she slew her 
sons— How she fled from Zoroaster (Zradasht) the Magian into Armenia — 
And how she was put to death by her son Ninyas (Ninouas):— This queen was 
always accustomed, for her recreation, to pass the summer in the northern 
region, in the fortified city which she had built in Armenia. She left Assyria 
and Nineveh in charge of the governor Zoroaster, a Magian and patriarch of the 
Medes. And having repeatedly done this, she (finally) entrusted the sovereignty 
eutirely to him.’ 

‘Being herself often rebuked by her sons because of her wanton and meretri- 
cious character, she put them all to death; only Ninyas (Ninouas) escaped. She 
chose to bestow upon her paramours all the power and treasures, without any 
regard to her sons. Her husband Ninus was not dead, nor buried by her in the 
palace of Nineveh, as is reported ; but he abandoned the realm and fled to Crete, 
because he was aware of her vice and shameless behavior.’ 

‘It was then that her grown-up sons reminded her of all this in hopes of 
restraining her from her devilish and warlike desires and of having the power 
and treasures entrusted to them. Becoming excessively enraged thereat, she 
killed them all, and only Ninyas remained as we have described above.’ 

‘But when some misunderstanding occurred on the part of Zoroaster with 
reference to the queen, and enmity arose between the two, Semiramis made war 
against him because he was designing to rule by force over all. In the midst of 
the war Semiramis fled before Zoroaster into Armenia.’ 

‘ At this juncture, Ninyas (her son), taking advantage of the opportunity for 
revenge, killed his mother and reigned over Assyria and Nineveh.’ 

(b) Eliszus, who is presumably a contemporary of Vartan (a.p. 
fifth century), in his history of the latter, and of the wars which the 
Armenians waged against the Persians, alludes incidentally to the 


‘Magians,’ and the ‘religion of Zoroaster’; see Langlois, op. cit. ii. 
189, 230. 

(c) The Armenian Eznik (a.p. fifth century,) in his refutation 
of the sects and of heretical opinions, devotes an entire division 
(ii.) of his work to the false tenets of the Persians who maintain 
the doctrine of Ormazd, Ahriman, and Zrvan, and, in this connec- 
tion, he incidentally mentions ‘ Zradasht ’ (Zoroaster) as responsible 
for the heretical views as to the origin of the sun and moon, cf. 
Langlois, op. cit. ii. 381. Most of this passage is translated in Wil- 
son, Parsi Religion, pp. 542-551, but not the paragraph relating to 
Zoroaster; cf. also Haug, Essays on the Parsis, p. 13. 

(4) Thomas Arzrouni, the learned Armenian annalist (4.. 
ninth-tenth century),’ gives a series of statements regarding Zoro- 
aster and the Persian belief in Ormazd. Some of his allusions are 
identical with the common accounts which associate Zoroaster’s name 
with Ninus and Semiramis. One passage is also of importance in con- 
nection with the prescriptions of the Vendidad. It gives a legendary 
explanation of the origin of the injunction which Zoroaster gave for 
killing noxious animals. The passage is to be found translated in 
the valuable publication of Brosset, Collection Whistoriens arméniens ; 
Th. Ardzrount, ete., tome i, 8. Pétersbourg, 1874. As this work is not 
easily accessible and as the passage does not seem to be generally 
familiar to Zoroastrian students, it is worth while to reproduce Bros- 
set’s translation (op. cit., livre 1, § 3, pp. 19-22, 25; § 4, p. 27). 

1. 3, ‘De l’empire des Assyriens ; que Zradacht et Manithop furent chefs des 
contrées orientales ; leurs dogmes absurdes. 

‘Des temps écoulés entre Bel et Ninos, il ne reste dans les livres anciens, 
ainsi que nous l’avons dit précédemment, aucune trace considérable et éclatante, 
et cela, sans doute, par plusieurs raisons. D’abord, par suite de la confusion 
des langues, il régnait une facheuse mésintelligence, puis les annalistes chal- 
déens ne retragaient pas les faiblesses des hommes de haut rang. Et encore, 
si méme les exploits et actes de bravoure de Ninos ont été racontés, comme Bel 
et pis encore, il en vint & un tel degré d’orgueil, qu’il se regardait comme le 
premier des héros, comme le premier des rois, et ayant fait rassembler en un tas, 
en grande hate, tous les écrits anciens, il les livra aux flammes, afin que par la 
suite il ne restat plus de souvenir d’autre personne illustre que la sienne.? Il 
passe done pour avoir régné sur toute 1]’Asie, l’Inde exceptée et sur la Libye. Il 
fit aussi réparer, pour l’honneur de son nom, la ville de Ninive, autrefois con- 
struite par Assour, pour étre la résidence royale, et qu’avait ravagée Nébroth. 
Il détréna ensuite le mage Zradacht, roi des Bactriens et des Medes, et le chassa 

1Cf. Neumann, Geschichte der armen. 2Mr. Gray notes a similar act by 
Lit., pp. 123-125, Leipzig, 1836. Tsin-Chi-hoang-ti. 


jusqu’aux frontiéres des Héphtalites, devint le maitre puissant de tout le 
Khoujastan, des contrées de l’orient et de la Perse, jusque par-dela Balkh et 
Dépouhan ; de Comaid, de Gauzpan, de Chéribamamacan, de Khodjihrastan, et 
pour vrai dire, il soumit durant 52 ans, avec une incroyable valeur, tout le pays 
jusqu’a la mer des Indes. Lorsqu’il mourut, ne laissant que de trés jeunes 
enfants, il remit l’autorité & sa femme Chamiram, qui l’exerga elle-méme avec 
plus de vigueur que Ninos ; car elle enceignit Babylone de murailles, dompta la 
rébellion de Zradacht et le reduisit en servitude. Mais l’ivresse des voluptés lui 
faisant oublier ses fils, elle prodigua ses trésors 4 ses amants favoris et établit 
Zradacht commandant de Babylone, du Khoujastan et de toute la Perse 
orientale. Pour elle, elle passa en Arménie, ou l’attirait la renommée d’un 
descendant d’ Haic. Quant 4 son arrivée en ce pays, aux détails de la bataille, 
4 la construction de superbes édifices, veritablement admirables, & la revolte de 
Zradacht, 4 la mort de Chamiram, aux récits des magiciens, 4 ce sujet, tout cela 
a été raconté par d’autres. Elle avait régné 42 ans. L’autorité passa & son fils 
Zarmia, qui fut appelé Ninovas, du nom de son pére. Celui-ci fut maitre de 
)Assyrie et, durant un temps, de l’Arménie. Peu soucieux d’agrandissements, 
doué d’un caractére paisible et non belliqueux, il passa tranquillement ses jours.’ 

‘Cependant Zradacht, possédant les contrées & l’orient de la Perse, cessa 
depuis lors d’inquiéter l’Assyrie. Dédaignant comme vieilleries et choses par 
trop obscures, les récits sur Bel et sur les autres descendants des génies, il 
débita sur son propre compte de nouvelles fables, afin de séparer du méme coup 
les Perses et les Mars des Babyloniens, et, par ses doctrines et par des noms, de 
se mettre en communication avec les Assyriens. I] se mit donc 4 appeler [de ?]! 
nouveau Zrovan et souche des dieux Sem, fils de Noé. ‘‘Celui-ci, dit-il, voulant 
devenir pére d’Ormizd, dit: ‘‘ Qu’ainsi soit, j’aurai pour fils Ormizd, qui fera le 
ciel et la terre.” Zrovan concgut donc deux jumeaux, dont l’un fut assez rusé 
pour se hater de paraitre le premier, ‘‘Qui es-tu? lui dit Zrovan.—Ton fils 
Ormizd. — Mon fils Ormizd est lumineux et de bonne odeur, et toi tu es obscur 
et mauvaise langue.’? Celui-ci ayant beaucoup insisté, il lui donna le pouvoir 
pour mille ans. Ormizd, étant né au bout de ce terme, dit & son frére: ‘Je 
t’ai cédé pendant mille ans; céde-moi présentement.’? Connaissant son inféri- 
orité, Ahrman résista et se révolta, et devint un dieu opposé 4 Ormizd. Quand 
Ormizd créa la lumiére, Ahrman fit les ténébres ; quand Ormizd créa la vie, Ahr- 
man fit la mort; quand Ormizd créa le feu, le bien, Ahrman fit l’eau et le mal. 
Pour ne point dire tout, l'un aprés Vautre, tout ce qui est bon et les gens ver- 
tueux proviennent d’Ormizd; d’Ahrman, tout ce qui est mauvais et les démons. 
Maintenant 4 celui qui pensera que ces doctrines ne méritent qu’une explosion 
de rire, et qui traite de fou le roi Zradacht, réponds que ce dieu impuissant, 
Ormizd, ne travaille pas en vain, et que les deux fréres, bien qu’ennemies 
mutuels, se courrouceront 4 la fois pour l’exterminer.’ 

‘Le méme insensé Zradacht raconte encore qu’une guerre s’étant élevée 
entre Ormizd et Ahrman, le premier éprouva une faim enragée et courut les 
champs, pour trouver de la nourriture. Il rencontra un boeuf, qu’il déroba. 

1 Added by Mr. Schuyler, who also notes from Brosset that Arzrouni always 
writes Ormzd, Ahrmn. 


Layant tué et caché sous un tas de pierres, il attendit le crépuscule, pour 
enlever chez lui le produit de son larcin et rassasier sa faim. Le soir venu, il 
était tout joyeux et allait se gorger de nourriture, mais il trouva le boeuf gité, 
devoré par les lézards, par les araignées, les stellions et les mouches, qui avaient 
fait leur proie de son gibier. Maintenant donc la légion des cloportes et des 
jjacs vinrent, et comme ils firent beaucoup de mal au dieu, Zradacht prescrivit 
une quantité de réglements puerils. Ce n’est point & la légére que nous 
sommes décidé & écrire ces choses, mais parce que cette doctrine satanique a 
causé bien des catastrophes sanglantes & notre Arménie, qu’elle a ruinée entiére- 
ment, ainsi que le fait voir Vhistoire des saints Vardanians, écrite par le véné- 
rable prétre Eghiché. Les fils des pyrolatres sont 1a, pour l’affirmer encore.’ 

‘Cependant Manithop, roi des Hephtals, ajoute et affirme encore ceci: le feu, 
suivant lui, n’est pas la créature d’Ormizd, mais sa substance. Héphestos et 
Promithos, i.e. le soleil et la lune, ayant dérobé le feu d’Ormizd, en donnérent 
une partie aux hommes. La terre est l’asyle du dieu Spandaramet — Bacchus; 
—elle n’a été créée par personne, mais elle existait, telle qu’elle existe; elle 
continue d’étre, et ’homme est né de lui-méme.’ 

Three pages farther on (p. 25) is found another allusion to Zoroaster: ‘Quant 
aux autres assertions des mythologues, et & leurs dires sans fondements, j’en 
prendrai, pour le réfuter, ce qu’il y & de plus raisonnable dans les traditions 
confuses, transmises 4 leurs sectateurs par les orientaux Zradacht et Manithop.’ 

{In the next chapter Thomas Arzrouni summarizes the reigns of the succes- 
sive Assyrian rulers down to the rise of the kingdom of Persia under Cyrus, 
and Zoroaster’s death is incidentally mentioned. From the allusions to Ninus 
and Semiramis and Abraham, it is evident that he places Zoroaster at an early 
period. The text runs]: ‘Nous avons suivi méthodiquement la série des géné- 
rations et rangé avec soin les ancétres de l’empire d’Assyrie, dont le premier 
héritier fut Zamésos [i.e. Zarmia, plus haut], le méme que Ninovas, fils de 
Ninus et de Chamiram, en la 53¢ année de la vie du patriarche Abraham, qui 
régna sur toute l’Asie et !Arménie. Zradacht étant mort, il fut de nouveau, 38 
ans durant, monarque pacifique de tout ce qui est & 1’O. de la Perse, qui lui 
obéit et lui paya tribut. Aprés lui, son fils Arias, le 4e depuis Ninus, durant 30 
ans. Aprés lui les rois d’Assyrie, se succédant au pouvoir, de pére en fils, ne 
firent rien de remarquable, et pas un seul d’entre eux ne régna moins de 20 

Allusions to Zoroaster in Chinese Literature 

For my first direct information on this subject, a year ago, Iam 
personally indebted to the Sinologist, Dr. F. Hirth, of Munich, 
whose kindness I cordially appreciate, and whose suggestions I grate- 
fully acknowledge. Dr. Hirth recently wrote me that some of the 
material of which he spoke to me is easily accessible in the mono- 
graphs of Messieurs Chavannes and Devéria, from which I give 


selections, as they can but be of special interest to students of Zoro- 
astrianism. Dr. Frederick W. Williams, of Yale University, New 
Haven, furthermore draws my attention to the existence of a number 
of references in Chinese literature to the religion of Zoroaster as 
Po-sz king kian, ‘religion of Persia,’ or Po-sz. Iam sincerely indebted 
to these gentlemen, and I hope that, joined perhaps by Mer. C. 
de Harlez and others, they may pursue their researches farther in 
this particular line, and add to our knowledge of the Prophet of 
Ancient Iran, and his influence in the Far East. 

In a letter which Dr. Hirth wrote to me, he says: ‘What I con- 
sider to be the Chinese transcription of the name Zoroaster occurs in 
a work called Si-ki-tsung-yii (chap. 1, p. 20). Speaking of the 
deity, Mahésvara (in Chinese Ma-yi-schou-lo), the author, who wrote 
about the middle of the twelfth century (cf. Wylie, Notes on Chinese 
Literature, p. 128) says: “It [the deity] originally came from the 
great country of Persia, and is [there] called Su-lu-tsché. The god 
had a disciple by the name of Yiian-tchén, who studied the doctrine 
of his master, etc., in Persia, and afterwards travelled to China to 
spread it there.” ’? 

M. Ed. Chavannes, Le Nestorianisme et PInscription de Kara- 
Balgassoun in Journ. Asiatique, Janv. Fév. 1897, p. 61 seq., gives 
some very interesting allusions to the Persian religion and its spread 
in China, onward from the seventh century of our era. I select 
two extracts which mention Zoroaster. The monograph itself should 
be consulted. 

Chavannes, op. cit. p. 61, notes, by way of introduction: ‘A la 
date de la 5° année tcheng-koan (631),? le Fo-tsou t’ong ki dit (Chapter 
xxxix. p. 71 V°, 9° cahier de la lettre®* dans l’édition japonaise du 
Tripitaka de la Société Asiatique) : — 

“ Autrefois Sou-li-tche (Zarathushtra, Zoroastre), du royaume de Perse, 

avait institué la religion mo-ni-enne du dieu céleste du feu; un édit impérial 
ordonna d’établir & la capitale un temple de Ta-ts’in,’’ 4 

‘Dans le méme ouvrage (chap. liv. p. 151 r°), on lit: — 

10On seeing Devéria’s citation of 2T.e. a.v. 631. 
the same passage (given above), Dr. 3 Here follows a Chinese char- 
Hirth supplements his note by adding acter. 
that it is perhaps the intention of the * T.e. Chaldea ; see Devéria, op. cit. 

passage to indicate that the doctrine p.456. Similarly De Rosny, Le Culte de 
rather than Ytian-tchén travelled to Zoroastre chez les Chinois in Congrés 
China. See Devéria’s quotation. int. des Orient., 1™e Sess. ii, 323-826. 


“Pour ce qui est de la religion mo-ni-enne du dieu céleste du feu,! autrefois, 
dans le royaume de Perse il y eut Zoroastre ; il mit en vigueur la religion du dieu 
céleste du feu; ses disciples vinrent faire des conversions en Chine; sous les 
T'ang, la 5¢ année tcheng-koan (631), un de ses sectateurs, le mage Ho-low 
vint au palais apporter la religion du dieu céleste; un décret impérial ordonna 
d’établir & la capitale un temple de Ta-ts’in.’’’ 

M. G. Devéria, Musulmans et Manichéens Chinois in Journ. Asia- 
tique, Nov. Déc. 1897, p. 445 seq., especially discusses certain Chinese 
material on the subject of Manicheism; he cites and translates 
(on p. 456) the last passage given by Chavannes, and notes also the 
one to which Hirth had already called attention. 

Devéria, op. cit. p. 462 : ‘Yao-Koan des Song dit: les caractéres [. . .]2 
désignent l’Esprit étranger du ciel; [. . .] se prononce hier; son culte est 
celui que les livres sacrés bouddhiques appellent le culte de Mahesvara; c’est 
dans la grande Perse qu’il prit naissance ; on l’y nomme (culte de) Zoroastre ; 
celui-ci eut un disciple appelé Hiuan-tchen (Céleste vérité ou Véridique céleste), 
qui étudia la religion du maitre ; il descendait de Jouhouo-chan (Joukhshan ou 
Soukhshan ou Djoukhshan ?), grand gouverneur général de la Perse; sa propa- 
gande s’exerga en Chine,’ 3 


References to some Syriac, Arabic, and other Mohammedan or 
Persian Allusions to Zoroaster 

The most convenient collection of material on Syriac and Arabic 
allusions to Zoroaster is by Gottheil in the book so often quoted 
above and easily accessible. I merely repeat the title below. To 
supplement this, see brief remark in AJSL. xiii. 225 and I note also 
(by pages) such references as I have observed in Hyde, Barbier de 
Meynard, Vullers, or elsewhere, as the works can be consulted. 

1. Gottheil, R., References to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic Liter- 
ature, collected in Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, New 
York, 1894 (Columbia University Press), pp. 24-51. This monograph 
gives abundant bibliographical material. 

1 Devéria, op. cit. p. 456, renders‘de searches, Part I., pp. 15 seq., Shang- 
la religion de Mo-ni de ’Esprit céleste hai, 1880, on the Chinese knowledge 
du feu,’ and notes that Mo-ni refers to of Bactria and Persia. Specialists can 
the Manicheans (p. 464). doubtless add much on this subject. 

2 Here are Chinese characters. Professor Bang reminds me of ZDM@. 

3 Cf. also Fergusson, Chinese Re-  xliv. 151; xlv. 627; WZKM. xii. 51. 


2. Hyde, T., Historia Religionis veterum Persarum, Oxon. 1700, 
the following pages : — 

Shahrastani, p. 158 (fires), 294-296 (Magian doctrines and Z.), 298-300 (cf. 
Gottheil, p. 46 seq.), 382 (Messianic prophecy by Z.). 

Ibn Shahna, p. 162 seq. (Z. and dualism). 

Shah Kholgi, p. 164 (Z. and the Gahanbar). 

Bar Bahlial (Syriac), p. 310 (etymology of Z.’s name; Messianic prophecies ; 
cf. Gottheil, p. 28). 

Abilfeda, p. 311 (Z. born at Urumiah). 

Beidawi, p. 313 (Z. and religion; Z.’s mountain at Istakhr). 

Abi Mohammed Mustafa, p. 313 (Z. and Ezra ; doctrines). 

Bundari, p. 314 seq. (after Tabari). 

Majdi, pp. 315-817, 319, 885 (Z. Palestine and Adarbaijan ; conversion of V. 
molten brass ordeal; cypress of Kishmar; Jamasp). 

Khvandamiri, p. 317 seq. (Z. and fire-worship ; V. at Istakhr). 

Shah Namah Nasr, pp. 319-325 (abridged prose account from ShN. of Z.’s 
conversion of V., and his history). 

Abil-Faraj, p. 384 (Messianic). 

Khalil Safi, pp. 385, 421 (Jamasp = Daniel; the Persian language). 

Sad-dar, p. 433 seq. (gives a Latin translation). 

Al-Makin, p. 529 (Z. contemporary with Smerdis ; Z. institutes a communion). 

Eutychius, see Appendix IL, p. 168 above. 

3. The Mujmal al-Tawérikh (a.p. 1126, author unknown). Ez- 
tratts du Modjmal al-Tewarikh, relatifs & Vhistoire dela Perse, traduits 
par Jules Mohl (Journal Asiatique, tome xi. pp. 136, 258, 320, Paris, 
1841). This work is later than Tabari, Hamzah, and Firdausi. The 
author makes use of Hamzah. The special pages which are of 
interest in connection with Zoroaster are the following: p. 147 
(chronology), 160 (Lohrasp), 161 (Gushtasp), 162-163 (Bahman, 
Humai, Darab, Dara, Sikander), 333 (the reign of Gushtasp, war 
with Arjasp). 

4. Barbier de Meynard Dictionnaire géographique, historique et 
littéraire de la Perse et des Contrées adjacentes, extrait du Médjem 
el-Bouldan de Yagout, Paris, 1861. Zoroaster is especially men- 
tioned in the following articles, which should be consulted, and 
quotations have already been made from them: pp. 26, 85 Ourmiah, 
p. 33 Oustounawend, p. 367 Schiz, p. 514-515 Mah-Dinar (orig. Din- 

Important information further illustrating the subject may be 
found under the following heads in the same translation from 
Yakut (the list, however, not complete): p. 27 Hrwend, Elvend, 63 
Tran, 75 Badeghis, 80 Bamian, Bamin, 86 Bakhdjermiin, 100, Bost 


(in Seistan), 106 Bosht (mentions Vishtasp), 107 Boschtenfwrousch (for 
Vishtasp), 112 Balkh (for Lohrasp), 124 Behistoun, 167 Djounbond, 
Gounbed (for Isfendiar), 183 Djeihoun (Jihtn, Oxus), 197 Khoragan 
(anc. Pers. kings), 224, 236 Debawend, Demawend, 251 Dinewer, 268 
Routan, 272 Riwend, 273 Rey, Rai (but Z. is not mentioned), 280 
Zaboulistin (Ristam), 284 Zerd (mt.), 300 Sedelan (mt., but Z. is not 
mentioned), 300-305 Sedjestin, Seistan, 367 Schiz, 413 Farmed, 464 
Qoume (Kimish), 467 Qohendez (qu. Av. Kanha Daéza ?), 469 Kaboul, 
471 Karian (Magian pyraea), 477 Kourr (no mention of Vishtasp), 
489 Kouschtasfi (mentions Vishtasp), 489 Keschmer (no mention of Z. 
or V.), 569 Noubehar (temple at Balkh). 

5. Iskandar Namah. Sketch of the Codex of Iskandar Namah, 
Nizdmi, in Catalogo della Biblioteca Naniana, Assemani, vol. i. pp. 
112-122, esp. 119 seq. Division xv. (Lohrasp, contemporary of 
Jeremiah and Daniel; at his time lived Zardusht, but Abilfaraj 
makes him flourish under Cambyses; Lohrasp reigned 120 years). 
Division xvi. Vishtasp and Zoroaster (doctrines of Zoroaster; Vish- 
tasp reigned about 120 years; in his time lived Socrates of Greece, 
and Jamasp the Persian Philosopher). Divisions xvii—xx. (sketch 
of following reigns down to Iskandar). 

6. ‘Ulama-i Islam, a Persian work in prose. This treatise of the 
twelfth century a.p. deals rather with a vision of Zardusht and with 
eschatology. It is accessible in English and in German: Wilson, 
Parsi Religion, pp. 560-563, ’1lma-i-Islam translated; Vullers, Frag- 
mente tiber Zoroaster, pp. 43-67, Ulemai Islam iibersetzt. See also 
comment by Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 135,and Anquetil du Perron, 
Zend-Avesta, li. p. 339, West, in Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 123. 

7. Dasatir. This curious collection, with its commentary, pro- 
fesses to be old; but it is criticised adversely by Wilson, Parsi 
Religion, pp. 411-412. It is quoted by the Dabistan. Some selec- 
tions, with commentary, from the chapter on Zardusht’s philoso- 
phy are added here from the only edition with translation that is 
accessible. The spelling of the edition is preserved practically 
unchanged, but with a few corrections of accents. The title of the 
edition reads: The Desatir or Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian 
Prophets ; in the Original Tongue; together with the Ancient Persian 
Version of the Fifth Sasan; carefully published by Mulla Bin Firuz 
Kaus. With English translation. 2 vols. Bombay, 1818. 

Dasatir, p. 120, § 42. ‘Now a Wise Man, named Tianfir,’ will 

1 Titianish, Pers. 


come from Nfrakh! in order to consult thee concerning the real 
nature of things.’ 

§ 43. ‘I will tell thee what he asketh, and do thou answer (his 
questions) before he putteth them.’ 

Commentary. —‘It is said that when the fame of the excellence of the nature 
of Zertusht had spread all over the world, and when Isfendiar went round the 
world, erected fire-temples, and raised domes over the fires ; the wise men of 
Yunan selected a sage named Tfitianifish, who at that time had the superiority 
in acquirements over them all, to go to Iran and to enquire of Zertusht concern- 
ing the real nature of things. If he was puzzled and unable to answer, he could 
be no real prophet; but if he returned an answer, he was a speaker of truth. 
When the Yun4ni Sage arrived at Balkh, Gusht&sp appointed a proper day, on 
which the Mobeds of every country should assemble ; and a golden chair was 
placed for the Yunani Sage. Then the beloved of Yezd4n, the prophet Zertusht 
advanced into the midst of the assembly. The Yun4ni Sage on seeing that 
chief said, ‘‘ This form and this gait cannot lie, and nought but truth can proceed 
from them.’’ He then asked the day of the prophet’s nativity. The prophet of 
God told it. He said, ‘On such a day and under such a fortunate star a deceiver 
cannot be born.’? He next enquired into his diet and mode of life. The prophet 
of God explained the whole. The Sage said, ‘‘ This mode of life cannot suit an 
impostor.’? The prophet of Yezdan then said to him: ‘‘I have answered you the 
questions which you have put to me; now, retain in your mind what the famed 
Yun4ni Sages directed you to enquire of Zertusht and disclose it not; but listen 
and hear what they ask ; for God hath informed me of it, and hath sent his word 
unto me to unfold it.’”, The Sage said, “Speak.” Thereupon the prophet Zertusht 
ordered the scholar to repeat the following texts:’ 

Dasat. p. 121, § 44. ‘The friend of acuteness will say unto thee, 
The Nfirakh? Sages ask, What use is there for a prophet in this 
world ?’ 

[Here follow a number of the supposed questions that will be 
asked, and then a prophecy is made of Vishtaésp and an account 
given of how the Avesta came into the hands of Alexander the 
Great. ] 

Dasat. p. 123, §§ 58-59. [The sacred book of the Iranians is 
referred to in the text and the commentary says, among other 

Commentary. —‘ That book is the inspired volume which the prophet of God, 
Zertusht, asked of God that he should send down as his book for the purpose 
of advice; that when the time of Sekander should arrive, the Destfrs might 

exhibit it, and he being gratified with it, become more attached to the faith of 
the Pure. Yezdan, approving of the request of his prophet, sent down a part of 

1Yunan, Pers. ; that is, Greece. 2Yunan, Pers. 


his word in the form of an Advice to Sekander ; and the King (i.e. GushtAsp) 
placed it, sealed with the seals of the Desttirs, in the Treasury. When 
Sekander gained the ascendency in Iran, Peridukht Roushenek and the Desttirs 
delivered that volume into his hands. He read it, applauded the religion of 
Abad (on which be blessings), praised the greatness of Zertusht and the truth 
of that Religion, and commanded the Mobeds that they should make that book 
a portion of the Desatir. That sacred volume is known under the name of 
Sekander, as it is for his instruction that it was revealed to Zertusht ; and the 
beginning of it is, ‘‘In the name of the Giver of Knowledge Mezdam.”’’ 

Dasat. p. 125, § 64. ‘O prophet and friend! MHerttish son of 
Heresfetmad! When Senkerakas? arrived, he was turned into the 
right road by one fershem of the Navissha,’ and returned back into 

Commentary. —‘Chengerengacheh was a sage renowned for his acuteness 
and wisdom, and the Mobeds (wise-men) of the earth gloried in being his scholars. 
When he heard of the greatness of the prophet of Yezdan, Zertusht the son of 
Isfentem4n, he came to Iran with the intention of overturning the Good Religion. 
When he reached Balkh, before he had dropped a single word from his tongue, 
and before he had asked a single question, the prophet of Yezdan, Zertusht, said 
into him, ‘‘Commit not to your tongue what you have in your heart, but keep it 
secret.’’ He then addressed a Sage who was his disciple, saying, ‘‘ Read to him 
one section (Nisk) of the Awesta.’’ In this blessed section of the Awesta were 
found the questions of Chengerengacheh with the answers, which He (God) 
himself had communicated to the prophet ; forewarning him, that such a person, 
of such a name would come; that his first question would be this, and that the 
answer was to be so. When Chengerengacheh saw this miracle, he was con- 
verted to the Good Faith, and returning to the land of Hind remained steady 
in this blessed religion. May Yezdén the Bountiful grant to us and our friends 
this best of Faiths!” 

Dasat. p. 126, § 65. ‘Now a Brahman named Biras‘ will come 
from Azend very wise, insomuch that there are few such persons on 
earth !’ 

§ 66. ‘He, in his heart, intendeth to ask of thee, first, Why is not 
Mezdam the immediate maker of all things having being?’ 

§ 67. ‘Say thou unto him; Mezdam is the Maker of all things; 
and used the medium of no instrument in bestowing existence on 
the Chief of Angels; but in regard to all other existence he made 
use of an instrument.’ 

1 Chengerengacheh, Pers. 8 Hind, Pers. 
2 By one Nisk (i.e. Nask or section) 4 Bids, Pers. Undoubtedly the cele- 
of the Awesta, Pers. brated Vids or Vy4sa. 


Commentary. — ‘The First Intelligence received being from the Bestower of 
Being without the intervention of any instrument ; while all other beings received 
existence by the intervention of instruments and media.’ 

[Here a long series of questions and answers are given to Zoroaster 
so as to prepare him. The text then continues as follows. ] 

Page 148, § 162. ‘When you have expounded this matter to him, 
he will become of the true faith, and be converted to your religion.’ 

Commentary. —‘It is said that when Bias, the Hindi, came to Balkh, Gush- 
tasp sent for Zertusht, and informed the prophet of Yezd4n of that wise man's 
coming. The prophet said, ‘‘May Yezdan turn it to good!’’ The Emperor then 
commanded that the Sages and Mobeds should be summoned from all countries. 
When they were all assembled, Zertusht came from his place of Worship; and 
Bias, also having joined the assembly, said to the prophet of Yezd4n; ‘‘O Zer- 
tusht, the inhabitants of the world, moved by the answers and expounding of 
Secrets given to Chengerengacheh, are desirous to adopt thy religion. I have 
heard, moreover, of many of thy miracles.. I am a Hindi man, and, in my own 
country, of unequalled knowledge. Ihave in my mind several secrets, which I 
have never entrusted to my tongue, because some say that the Ahermans (devils) 
might give information of them to the idolaters of the Aherman faith; so no 
ear hath heard them, except that of my heart. If, in the presence of this assem- 
bly, you tell me, one after another, what those secrets are that remain on my 
mind, I will be converted to your faith. Shet Zertusht said, O Bids, Yezdan 
communicated to me your secrets, before your arrival. He then mentioned the 
whole in detail from beginning to end. When Bias heard, and asked the mean- 
ing of the words, and had them explained! to him, he returned thanks to Yezdin 
and united himself to the Behdin, after which he returned back to Hind.’ 

§ 163. ‘In the name of Mezdim! O Zertusht! my prophet! 
After thee shall Simkendesh? appear, and afterwards the First Sasan, 
the prophet, shall come and make thy Book known by a translation.’ 

§ 164. ‘And no one but he shall know the meaning of my words.’ 

Commentary. — ‘ Hence it was that Shet Sasin made an interpretation of the 
Book of Shet Zertusht agreeably to its sense.’ 

8. Dabistan (Persian) gives an account of the Persian religion, 
and of Zoroaster, and it has often been quoted above. This is 
accessible in Shea and Troyer’s translation: The Dabistin or School 
of Manners, translated from the original Persian, by D. Shea and 
A. Troyer, Paris, 1843, vol. i. pp. 211-253. 

9. Sources like the Shah Namah, Zartusht Namah, Cangranghacah 

1 Since they were spoken in a Persian language which he did not understand, 
2 Sekander. 


Namah and Mirkhond, have been sufficiently discussed above. For 
titles and editions of other Persian works on Zoroastrianism, refer- 
ence may be made to West’s Appendix, The Modern-Persian Zoroas- 
trian Literature of the Parsis in the Grundriss der tran. Philol. ii. 

Allusion to Zoroaster in the Snorra Edda Preface 

[Reprinted, with unimportant omissions, from my Notes on Zoroaster and 
the Avesta, in Proceedings AOS., March, 1894, vol. xvi. pp. exxvi.-vili.] 

In the preface to the Younger Edda there is a passage relating to 
Zoroaster which is perhaps worth recording among the allusions to 
his name found in non-Oriental literature. The preface to the Snorra 
Edda, after giving a brief sketch of the history of the world down 
to the time of Noah and the Flood, proceeds to an account of the 
Tower of Babel and the dispersion of the races through the confu- 
sion of tongues. Foremost among the builders of the tower was 
Zoroaster; the text adds that he became king of the Assyrians, and 
that he was the first idolater. In consequence of the confusion of 
tongues he was known by many names, but chief among these was 
Baal or Bel. 

The text Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, formali 2, ed. Jénsson, p. 5, is here given 
for convenience of future reference: Ok sa, er fremstr var, hét Zoroastres ; hann 
hlo, fyrr enn hann grét, er hann kom % veréldina; enn forsmithir voru II ok 
LXX, ok sva margar tungur hafa sithan dreifst wm verdldina, eptir thvi sem 
visarnir skiptust sithan til landa, ok thjothirnar fiélguthust. I thesum sama 
stath var gjor ein hin agetasta borg ok dregit af nafni stépulsins, ok kéllut 
Babilon. Ok sem tungnaskiptit var orthit, tha fjélguthust sva nofnin man- 
nanna ok annara hluta, ok sja sami Zoroastres hafthi mérg néfn; ok tho at 
hann undirstethi, at hans ofsi veri legthr of sagthri smith, tha ferthi hann sik 
tho fram til veraldligs metnathar, ok lét taka sik til konungs yfir mérgum 
thjothum Assiriorum. Af honum hofst skurthgotha villa; ok sem hann var 
blotathr, var hann kallathr Baal; thann kéllum ver Bel; hann hafthi ok mérg 
Gnnur nofn. Enn sem nofnin fjolguthust, tha tindist meth thi sannletkrinn. 

5 (p. 7). Ok af thessu hofst Gnnur villa millum Kritarmanna ok Mace- 
doniorum, sva sem hin fyrri methal Assiriérum ok Kaldeis af Zorodastre. 

This may be rendered: ‘He who was the foremost (builder of the tower) 
was called Zoroaster ; he laughed before he cried when he came into the world. 
But there were (in all) seventy-two master-builders ; and so many tongues have 
since spread throughout the world, according as the giants afterwards were 
scattered over the land and the nations multiplied. In this same place was 


built a most renowned town, and it derived its name from the tower, and was 
called Babylon. And when the confusion of tongues had come to pass, then 
multiplied also the names of men and of other things; and this same Zoroaster 
had many names. And although he well understood that his pride was humbled 
by the said work, nevertheless he pushed his way on to worldly distinction, and 
got himself chosen king over many peoples of the Assyrians. From him arose 
the error of graven images (i.e. idolatry) ; and when he was sacrificed unto, he 
was called Baal; we call him Bel; he had also many other names. But, as the 
names multiplied, so was the truth lost withal.’ 

5. ‘(From Saturn) there arose another heresy among the Cretans and Mace- 
donians, just as the above mentioned error among the Assyrians and Chaldeans 
arose from Zoroaster.’ 

This passage is interesting for several reasons. 

First, it preserves the tradition elsewhere recorded regarding Zoro- 
aster’s having laughed instead of having cried when he was born 
into the world. [This has already been discussed above, p. 27.] 

Second, the two allusions here connecting Zoroaster with Assyria, 
Chaldea, and Babylon are to be added to those references which 
associate his name also with these places (e.g. consult Windischmann, 
Zor. Studien, p. 803 seq.) ; or again they are to be placed beside the 
statement of the Armenian Moses of Khorene, Thomas Arzrouni 
and others who make Zoroaster a contemporary of Semiramis, and 
appointed by her to be ruler of Nineveh and Assyria. (See Spiegel, 
Eranische Alterthumskunde, 1. 682 [and the quotation of the passage 
in this Appendix].) 

Third, in connection with the reputed multiplicity of names of 
Zoroaster, and the association of his name with Baal, Bel, attention 
might be called to the citation in the Syro-Arabic Lexicon of Bar 
‘Ali (c. a.v. 832) s.v. Balaam, ‘Balaam is Zardosht, the diviner of 
the Magians’ (cf. Gottheil, References, in the Drisler Classical 



THERE is a supposition that we are not wholly without some 
representation of the personal appearance of Zoroaster, at least 
according to the conception which prevailed in Sassanian times. 
One sculptured image, in particular, has been supposed to represent 
in effigy an ideal of the great Master. It is also stated that there is 
a picture of Zoroaster in a fire-temple at Yezd, which is said to be 
taken from an old sculpture that exists at Balkh. This tradition, 
together with other facts and material on the subject of por- 
traiture of Zoroaster, is given in the following pages. The modern 
Zoroastrians themselves can doubtless add much more valuable infor- 
mation on this interesting subject. It is hoped that they will do so. 

(a) In the first place we may refer to a very old tradition on the 
subject of an effigy of Zoroaster; this is found in the Syriac work 
called the ‘Oration of Meliton the Philosopher; who was in the 
presence of Antoninus Cesar, and bade the same Cesar know God,’ 
etc. This interesting allusion is quoted by Gottheil, References to 
Zoroaster (p. 27), from the translation of Cureton, Spicilegium Syria- 
cum, London, 1855, p. 44, cf. p. 91, n. 36; it mentions an ‘image of 
Orpheus, a Thracian Magus; and Hadran is the image of Zaradusht, 
a Persian Magus.’ The special point of importance is that it shows 
the existence of a tradition as to a representation of Zoroaster. 

(b) E. G. Browne, in his valuable work, A Year amongst the Per- 
sians, London, 1893, p. 874, describes a visit which he paid to three 
Zoroastrian fire-temples at Yezd. The third temple which he men- 
tions, serves as a theological college for training youths for the priest- 
hood, and it contains a relic of interest. On the walls of one of the 
rooms of this building, Dr. Browne saw a picture which attracted his 
notice, or to use the words of his own description (p. 374): ‘A pict- 
ure of Zoroaster (taken, as Ardashir [the host and guide] told me, 
from an old sculpture at Balkh), and several inscriptions on the walls 



of the large central room, were the only other points of interest 
presented by the building.’ It would be highly interesting if we 
could secure a copy of this portrait or of its reputed original at 
Balkh, because this would best represent the modern Zoroastrian tra- 
ditional idea of the appearance of the great High Priest. Possibly 
we may obtain it. The mention of Balkh, moreover, is interesting if 
this be a different representation from the supposed effigy at Takht-i 
Bostan. Should this be the case, and the location of the sculptured 
figure be found to be at the old temple Niibahar, we should have a 
new proof of the traditional association of Zoroaster’s name with 

(c) The modern Parsi historian Dosabhai Framji Karaka, whose 
work, History of the Parsis, London, 1884, is indispensable to stu- 
dents of Zoroastrianism in our day, presents in his second volume 
(ii. 146) an idealized colored portrait of the founder of the Faith, 
which is here reproduced (see Figure I.), without the coloring, how- 
ever. The portrait is evidently based upon the sculptures next to 
be described, and it has the value of giving the Parsi conception 

(d) The Takht-i Bostin Sculpture. Not far distant from Behis- 
tan, and near the city of Kermanshah (see Map,—square Bc), in the 
valley of Takht-i Bostan or Tek-i Bostén, on a hillside, is to be 
found a series of six historic bas-reliefs. The sixth or last of these 
bas-reliefs comprises a group of four sculptured figures, reproduc- 
tions of which are presented below, being based upon the copies 
found in Sir Robert Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia, 
etc., London, 1822, vol. 11.191; Flandin et Coste, Voyage en Perse, 1. 
Planche 14, texte p. 6; George Rawlinson, The Seventh Oriental 
Monarchy, London, 1876, p. 64; K. D. Kiash, Ancient Persian 
Sculptures, Bombay, 1889, p. 211; and especially the photographic 
copy of de Morgan, Mission Scientifique en Perse, Paris, 1894, vol. ii. 
plate xxxiv. p. 104-5; vol. iv. plate xxxv. p. 310-11. The photo- 
graph of the sculpture taken by M. de Morgan is so interesting that 
it seems appropriate to make it accessible to those who cannot con- 
sult the valuable original work. A brief description of the possible 
subject of this four-fold group, which, unfortunately, bears no 
inscription, is not out of place here. 

Sir R. K. Porter (p. 191) records that this rock-sculptured group 
is called by the natives ‘The Four Calendars,’ but he does not 
explain why the name is given (see Figures II. and III.). He regards 



the figure on the extreme left (or to the right as we face the picture) 
as the god Ormazd presenting the ring or emblem of sovereignty to 
Ardashir Babagan, who stands in the centre of the group, ‘and both 
are trampling upon a similar royally-habited figure symbolical of 
the fallen Arsacide.’ Of the fourth or remaining figure, the one in 
which we are particularly interested, Sir Ker Porter says (p. 192): 
‘The personage to the right of the centre figure [or to the left as 
we face the group] is of rather a singular appearance. His head 
is protected by a similar kind of cap, but without the ball, and with 
the extraordinary addition of a circle of rays blazing round his head 
and down to below his shoulders. He holds in both hands a fluted 
staff, or sceptre, of great length. The rest of his vesture nearly 
resembles that of the murally crowned figure. He stands upon a 
plant, not unlike a sunflower, the stalk of which is short and thick, 
and curved down into a lower part of the rock. The prostrate 
person is greatly mutilated; but his pearl-wreath, collar, and sword 
show that his consequence was not inferior to the two who trample 
on him.... The radiated personage [the one under discussion] 
may either be a personification of the Mithratic religion restored 
by him [ie. by Ardashir, the central figure]; which the sunbeams 
round the head and the full-blown flower rising under their in- 
fluence at his feet, seem to typify; or the figure may be meant for 
the glorified Zoroaster himself; some Persian writers ascribing to 
him the reflected honor of that god-like attribute. The altar-plat- 
form near this bas-relief, and also the source of the river (two 
sacred Mithratic appendages), support the idea that this sculpture 
contains more than human images.’ 

Sir John Malcolm, History of Persia, new edition, London, 1829, 
vol. i. p. 545 (cf. earlier edition i. 258), speaks of the two figures 
with the circle or ring as ‘two sovereigns upon a prostrate Roman 
soldier;’ and he adds: ‘A figure supposed to be the prophet Zoro- 
aster stands by their side; his feet rest upon a star, and his head is 
covered with a glory or crown of rays.’ And he adds in a foot-note: 
‘Tam informed by the Parsees, or Guebres, that in almost all the 
paintings or sculptures that represent Zoroaster he is always distin- 
guished by a crown of rays, or glory, as I have described.’ This 
shows, at least, the prevalence of a tradition that representations of 
Zoroaster were thought to be not uncommon, whatever we may 
think on the subject. Flandin also believed the radiated figure to 
be Zoroaster (Voyage en Perse de MM. Flandin et Coste, i. 442, 
Rélation de Voyage, Paris, 1851). 





Edward Thomas, Sassanian Inscriptions, in the Journ. of the Royal 
Asiatic Society of Gt. Brit. and Ireland, new series, vol. iii. p. 267, 
n. 8, London, 1868 (= Early Sassanian Inscriptions, Seals and Coins, 
p. 27, London, Tritbner, 1868), argues that the figure with the rays 
and staff represents the god Ormazd, and he bases his identification 
upon an acknowledged representation of Ormazd in a Naksh-i 
Rustam bas-relief (op. cit. p. 269).1. As for the rays, he adds ina 
note that a similar form is given to Ormazd’s headgear in a coin of 
Hormisdas II. The other two figures in our group he regards, as 
do others, to be the representation of Ardashir presenting the crown 
of Iran to his son Shapir.’? 

Canon George Rawlinson (op. cit. p. 64) agrees with Thomas that 
the radiated figure is Ormazd, not Zoroaster; that the other two are 
Ardashir and Shapir, and that the prostrate figure represents ‘either 
Artabanus or the extinct Parthian monarchy, probably the former; 
while the sunflower upon which Ormazd stands, together with the 
rays that stream from his head, denote an intention to present him 
under a Mithraic aspect, suggestive to the beholder of a real latent 
identity between the two great objects of Persian worship.’ Pro- 
fessor Rawlinson, therefore, like Thomas, is not of the same opinion 
as those who presume that the figure represents Zoroaster. Simi- 
larly also, M. Dieulafoy, Suse, iv. 409, and Curzon, Persia, i. 563. 

The Parsi scholar, Kawasjee Dinshah Kiash, who visited Takht-i 
Bostan in 1878 and sketched the group, gives, in his serviceable 
book (The Ancient Persian Sculptures, p. 212), an interesting tradition 
regarding this bas-relief which seems not to be recorded by other 
writers on the subject. But first we may notice the details that he 
gives concerning the special figure, which, like the other effigies, 
stands about seven feet in height. ‘The head of the first figure 
[the one we are discussing] is covered up with a piece of cloth, and 
a serpach flows down the back. He is clad in a short, plain coat, 
and wears a belt. He holds in both hands a club three feet long 
and three inches thick. The rays of the sun shine direct upon his 
head, and a star glitters beneath him.’ Kiash next notes that some 
scholars call this a ‘sunflower’ rather than a star, and he further 
describes the other three figures of the group. Then follows the 
interesting tradition: — 

1 Some notes on sculptured images 2On the subject of Ardashir and 
of Ormazd will appear in my article his history, see Darab D. P. Sanjana, 
on Ormazd in The Monist, Chicago, Karnaméi Artakhshir i Papakan, new 
Dec., 1898. ed., Bombay, 1896. 


“Owing to the deficiency in the inscription, tradition says: ‘‘ The first figure 
with the club is that of Prophet Zoroaster, the second is that of Gustasp, the 
fifth king of the Kayanian dynasty, the third is that of his son, the mighty 
Asphandiar [Isfendiar], who had established the Zoroastrian religion through 
the whole of Persia, and the last is that of Arjasp, the grandson of Afrasiab 
of Tooran, or Tartary. The circlet shows that the whole world is in their 

He then adds: ‘The above tradition, I believe, is taken from the 
Shah Nameh. The Persians take great pride in speaking of their 
by-gone kings. Ancient and modern writers contradict these state- 
ments, and doubtless the figures were not sculptured by the Kayanian 
kings, but by Ardeshir Babighan, the first ruler of the last dynasty 
of the Zoroastrians.’ Mr. Kiash goes on to say he agrees with the 
view that the sculpture is of Sassanian origin, that the second and 
third figures apparently represent Ardashir and Shapir I, and the 
dead figure is emblematical of the downfall of the Parthian dynasty. 
As to the first only is he in doubt, ‘as it is of peculiar construction 
and differs from others I have seen in different parts of Persia. 
On comparing it with the two figures holding clubs at Nacksh-i- 
Rajab (op. cit. p. 112) and Nacksh-i-Roostum (p. 121), both the 
dress and crown differ. I am unable to give the name of any reli- 
gious personage or celestial being, but simply state that it must be 
a sign of the Mithraic religion. According to the opinion of my 
co-travellers, it is believed to be a form of the Prophet Zoroaster.’ 

Whatever may be the origin and worth of the ‘tradition’ which 
Mr. Kiash quotes as connecting the figures with Vishtaspa and his 
contemporaries, it certainly is very interesting in connection with 
Chapter X. and the characters who act in the drama of the Holy 
War, especially Arjasp, the foeman of the Faith, with whom we 
have become sufficiently acquainted. The statement which the 
Parsi writer records of the opinion of his co-travellers to the effect 
that the figure is that of the Prophet Zoroaster, shows, like kindred 
statements, a preponderance of traditional authority on the side of 
the Zoroastrians, at least, in identifying this figure with their 
Prophet. Everything of that kind has its weight and importance 
when we enter upon the question of such identifications or endeavor 
to interpret sculptured remains. 

The evidence on the subject of this particular sculpture, as we 
look it over, seems to be about evenly balanced. Tradition appar- 
ently favors the identification of the effigy with Zoroaster; the 


Ficure III 



more technical scholarly opinion of recent times, on the other hand, 
seems rather to regard the figure as a representation of Ormazd. 
The claim to Mithraic characteristics is not so easy to recognize. 
This much may be said in favor of tradition, that the figure would 
answer well to the glorified image, with ‘dazzling wand’ and ‘lus- 
trous glory’ around the head, which is the guise under which the 
Zoroastrian writer of the Zartusht Namah, in the thirteenth cen- 
tury, describes the vision of the Prophet’s appearance (see Wilson, 
Parsi Religion, p. 481). It is to be regretted that M. de Morgan (iv. 
310; observe his note) does not especially discuss the figure. For 
the sake of sentiment we should, perhaps, best like to imagine that 
the whole group really represents a Sassanian conception of a scene 
from the Holy War of Zoroastrianism, in which the great High 
Priest figured so prominently, and to which Kiash alludes in his 
‘tradition’; but, after all, we should have to acknowledge that this 
is due, perhaps, to our sentiment and fancy.’ 

The whole subject of the portraiture of Zoroaster requires further 
investigation.? Much will doubtless be added on this question from 
time to time. Let us hope especially that additional information 

1 Murray’s Handbook of Asia Minor, 
Transcaucasia, Persia, etc., London, 
1895, p. 827, merely gives the common 
statement that this is a ‘ Sassanian 
panel, which is supposed to represent 
the investiture of Shaptr I. with part of 
the kingdom, by his father, Ardeshir.’ 

2 A figure has been published as a 
portrait of Zoroaster in Dr. Wallace 
Wood’s Hundred Greatest Men, p. 125, 
London, 1885, but I have not been 
able to find authority for attributing 
the likeness to Zoroaster. It repre- 
sents the head of a grave-faced priest 
and counsellor, with the familiar mitre- 
shaped pontifical head-covering of Sas- 
sanian times. On p.496 of the volume, 
a note is added that the figure is copied 
from a bas-relief at Persepolis. Men- 
tion is made of Thomas, Farly Sas- 
sanian Inscriptions. The portrait is 
reproduced as a frontispiece to an ar- 
ticle on Mazdaism in the Open Court, 
xi. 129, Chicago, 1897. In a follow- 

ing number of The Open Court, xi. 
378, a Parsi, N. F. Bilimoria, writes 
that the portrait was new to him and 
to his co-religionists. As an ideal it 
is good ; but it seems to lack traditional 
authority. I may learn more about it. 
3 At the moment when I am send- 
ing the final proof-sheets to the press, 
there arrives from my friend Professor 
Charles R. Lanman, of Harvard Uni- 
versity, a prospectus of an important 
work just issued by Mr. Quaritch of 
London, and the Harvard Library 
kindly forwards to me the magnificent 
facsimile. It is entitled A Florentine 
Picture- Chronicle by Maso Finiguerra, 
and it is a reproduction of a fifteenth 
century folio of Italian drawings now 
in the British Museum. Among these 
drawings are ‘14. Zoroaster,’ ‘49. Oro- 
masdes raising the Dead,’ and ‘ 50. Hos- 
tanes.’ The ‘Zoroaster’ is a typical 
magician with books of black art and 
imps rather than an antique sage. 


or suggestion on this special theme may be obtained particularly 
from the Zoroastrians themselves. Any material that can be found 
to throw more light on the problem will be welcomed. The subject 
is one that is worthy of earnest consideration because it stands, in a 
certain manner, for an ideal. I shall be glad if these notes have 
contributed anything by drawing attention to this interesting theme 
for research. And with these words I close the book, adding only 
a line which the Pahlavi scribes of old liked to add in the colophon: 

Frajaft pavan drit va satth va ramisn. 




[The numbers refer to the pages] 


Abbasabad, 216. 

Abdias, text quoted, 257-259. 

Abode of Vishtaspa, 58. 

Abulfaraj, 167. 

Abulfeda, 201. 

Achaemenians, 134, 160, 172, 219. 

Adarbaijan, 17, 38, 39, 40, 48, 49, 96, 
168, 171, 192, 193-201 (especially as 
Z.’s birthplace), 220-221. See also 
Atropatene, Atir-patakan, and Air- 
yana Vaéjah. 

Adharjushnas, 198. 

4Eneas of Gaza, text quoted, 248. 

Aévatak river, 40, 41. 

Afer, text quoted, 245. 

Aganaces or Azonaces, teacher of Z., 

Agathias, 6n.6; 12; text quoted, 248. 

Age of Zoroaster, 15 and Appendix II. 

Ahariib6-stdtd, 137. 

Ahmad al-Baladhuri, quoted, 198. 

Abriman, flees at Z.’s birth, 27. 
also Anra Mainyu. 

ahumbigs, 79 n. 2. 

Ahuna Vairya, 51. 

Ahura Mazda selects Z. as prophet, 27. 
See also 97, 171. 


Airyana Vaéjah, 193, 196. See also 
Airin Véj. See Airyana Vaéjah and 

Airyama Ishya, 97 n. 1. 
Akhtya, Akht, 44 n. 2; 84, 187, 181. 

Alak, home of the Spitamas, 24, 192. 

Albiriini, 7, 141, 161, 174. 

Alborz Mts., scene of a conference, 47. 

Alcuin, text quoted, 252. 

Alexander the Great, 134, 138, 139, 
158, 161, 162, 163, 181. — 

Alexander Polyhistor, text quoted, 

Allusions to Z. in Arabic, etc., 280- 
286; in Snorra Edda, 286-287. 

“Auapdos, 211. 

Ameretat confers with Z., 49. 

Ammianus Marcellinus, 167, 188, 207, 
213 ; text quoted, 244. 

Amshaspands, 41, 42 ; conferences with 
Z., 207. 

Amirdat. See Ameretat. 

Anathemas, quoted, 253. 

Ancestry of Z., 17 seq. 

Ancestral tree of Z., 19, 20. 

Ancient Persian Inscriptions, Z. not 
mentioned in, 5. 

Andariman, 109, 110. 

Andsh-adhar, 113. 

Anquetil du Perron, quoted, 85 and 
n. 3; 148; on Z.’s date, 175. 

Anra Mainyu, 51. 

Apocryphal literature, 4. 

Apocryphal New Testament, 97. 

Apostles of Z., 186 seq. 

Apuleius, 6 n. 6; 7 n.5,n.6; quoted, 
169 ; text quoted, 237. 

Apuscorus, 138. 

Arabic allusions to Z.’s date, 16, 161 
seq.; to Z. in general, 281. 



Arabic form Armiah, 197. 

Arabic sources of information as to 
Z., 6 et passim, 281. 

Arag, 192. 

Arak, home of the Spitamas, 24, 192. 

Aras, Araxes, 194 n. 2. 

Arastai, 54. 

Arasti, 20. 

Araxes, 221. 

Archangels come to Z., 41, 42, 65 seq., 

Archetype copy of Avesta, 76, 97, 
117, 224. 

Ardashir, son of Vishtasp, 112, 115. 

Ardashir Dirazdast, 1388, 178, 159, 

Arejat-aspa and Holy Wars, 103-105 ; 
leader of Hyaonians, 104; ultimatum 
to Vishtaspa, 107 ; invades Iran, 108 ; 
situation of his kingdom, 213; his 
two invasions of Iran, 214, 221-222. 
See also Arjasp. 

Aristotle, 8, 152; cited under Pliny 
and Diog. Laertius, 234, 241. 

Aristoxenus, cited under Origen, 240. 

Arjasp, 66 ; his warlike message, 108 ; 
second invasion of Iran, 118 seq.; 
date of defeat, 181; scene of bat- 
tles against Vishtasp, 218; possible 
sculptured representation of Arjasp, 
292. See also Arejat-aspa. 

Armaiti, 83. 

Armenian references to Z., 6. 

Armenian form of Z.’s name, 138. 

Armenian allusions to Z., translations, 

Armiah (Urmiah), 30, 197. 

Armiah. See also Jeremiah. 

Army of Arjasp, 109 seq. ; of Vishtasp, 
109 seq. 

Arnij-bareda, 20 n. 3. 

Arnobius, 156, 187; text quoted, 242. 

Artashir, religious monarch, 82, 133. 

Artavahishtd, 128, 136. 

Arta Viraf, quoted, 157. 

Artaxerxes Longimanus, 134, 160. 

Arim. See Rim, 117. 


Arzrouni, Thomas, allusions to Z. 
quoted, 217, 276-278. 

Asbanbur, town, 59 n. 2. 

Ascoli, quoted, 149. 

Ashak, 22. 

Ashavahisht, 24. See also Asha Va- 

Asha Vahishta confers with Z., 47. 

Ashavahisht6, 67. See also Asha 
Vahishta, Artavahishté. 

Ashta-aurvant, 103. 

Asia Minor, 84, 88. 

Asm6-hvanvat, 137. 

Asm6k-khanvaté, 137, 181. 

Asnavad Mt., 48, 100, 207. 

Asoka, 37. 

aspa, in names, 14 n. 1. 

aspanvar, 59 n. 2; 209. 

Assassins, 222. 

Astrampsychus, 138. 

Atash-gahs, 98, 101. 

Athenocles, text quoted. 
thias, 249. 

Atropatene, 16, 22, 141, 177, 196, 211. 
See also Adarbaijan. 

Atir Birzhin Mitré, 100. 

Atir Farnbag, 99. 

Atir Gishnasp, 100. 

Atir-patakan, 192, 204. See also 
Adarbaijan, Airyana Vaéjah. 

Augustine, 188; text quoted, 246. 

Attharmazd. See Ahura Mazda. 

Auramazda, 171, 172. 

Airvaita-dang, 39 n. 1; 43, 207. 

Airvaité-dih, the Tir, 33. 

Aurvasara, 215 and n. 3. 

Aurvat-aspa, or Lohrasp, 78, 180; 
destroys Jerusalem, 91 n. 2; asso- 
ciated with Nebuchadnezzar, 162, 

Avaraoshtri, 22. 

Avesta and Zand, 7. 

Avesta, source of information, 5; arche- 
type copy written down by Jamasp, 
76, 97, 117, 224; as a sacred book, 

Ayuso, referred to, 149. 

See Aga- 


Azhi Dahaka, 11 n. 1; 52 n. 2. 
Azonaces or Aganaces, 30. 

Baal, 157. 

Babylon and Jewish exile, 11; seat of 
tyranny, 11 n.1. See also 90-92. 
Babylonian exile or captivity, 142, 176. 
Bactria, 73, 141, 155, 160, 171, 177, 
184, 196 n. 1; as scene of Z.’s min- 
istry, 186-188, 208-218. See also 
220 seq. Compare likewise Balkh. 

Bactrian camel, 14 n. 1. 

Bactrian kingdom, 11. 

Bahman. See Vohiman, son of Spend- 

Bahman Yasht, quoted, 214. 

Balaam, name associated with Z., 
15 n. 3; 157, 287. 

Balkh, 38, 86, 89, 130, 141, 199-201, 
283 ; Vishtaspa’s conversion at, 60 ; 
Vishtaspa at, 107 ; portrait of Z. re- 
puted to be at, 209, 289 seq. Com- 
pare likewise 116, 118, 119. See 
furthermore, 213, 214. 

Bapél, 91. See also Babylon. 

Baruch, 197 ; identified with Z., 30. 

Bar, 215. 

Bar ‘Ebhraya, quoted, 201. 

Bartholomae, cited, 14 n. 2. 

Bashiitan. See Peshdtanu. 

Basil, text quoted, 244. 

Bastavairi, a hero in first Holy War, 
105, 112, 118, 116, 121, 122. 

Bastvar. See Bastavairi. 

Battles, of first Holy War, 114 seq. ; 
of second Holy War, 120 seq. ; be- 
tween Vishtaspa and Arejat-aspa, 
214, 218. 

Beh-Afrid, 72. 

Beidawi, cited, 220. 

Béndva, anathematized, 44. 

Berosos, cited by Agathias, 249. 

bharadvaja, 14. 

Bid-Pis, 211. 

Bids, Hindu sage (Vyasa), 88, 284-285. 

Bidrafsh, 109, 110, 111, 116. 


Binaliid Kuh, 216. 

Birds, Bias, 284-285, 

Birjand, 215. 

Birth of Z., 26. 

Birthplace of Z., 16 seq. and App. II. 

Bishtaésp. See Vishtaspa. 

Black horse, healed, 62. 

Blind man, healed, 94. 

Brahman Cangranghacah, 85. 

Brahmanical cord, 32 n. 2. 

Bratar-vakhsh. See Bratrok-résh. 

Bratrok-résh, Bratar-vakhsh, 28, 127- 
129; plots against Z., 31. 

Brisson, cited, 147. 

Brodbeck, referred to, 149. 

Browne, E. G., 288-289. 

Buddha, 1-2, 17, 18, 51, 140, 176, 177. 

Buddhism, 135. 

Biiti, 51. 

Bindahishn, quoted, 18-21, 123, 158, 
193, 216. 

Burnouf, cited, 148. 

Burzin-kuris, Z.’s teacher, 30. 

Birzhin Mitré fire, 100, 216. 

Bist, 1387. 


Cabul, 99, 217. See also Kabul. 
Caécista, 195, 197,204. See Urumiah. 
Cakhshni or Cikhshnush, 18, 19. 
Cambyses, 167. 

Camel, in proper names, 14, 

Cangranghacah, 85-88, 209, 284. 

Cangranghacah Namah, 85-88, 209. 

cavrawhac, 87. 

Casartelli, quoted, 149; on Z.’s date, 

Caspian Sea, 207, 219, 220, 223; Z. in 
that region, 46; scene of Arejat- 
aspa’s sacrifice, 211. See also Vou- 

Cassel, P., quoted, 149. 

Cassianus Bassus, text quoted, 249. 

Cave, in Z.’s religion, 34, 190, 194 n. 1. 

Cedrenus, 126. See Georgius Cedre- 
nus, 251, 


Cephalion, cited, 12, 187; referred to 
by Georg. Syncell., 252. 

Chaldzan oracles, 259-273. 

Chares of Mitylene, 78, 220. 

Chariot, symbol of the religion, 185, 

Chavannes, M. Ea., on a Chinese allu- 
sion to Z., 279-280. 

Children of Z., 21. 

China, Z. in, 39. 

Chinese form of Z.’s name, 280. 
Chinese references to Z. in general, 6 
n. 2; given in translation, 278-280. 

Chinese reference for dating Z., 165. 

Chionite, 213, 220-221. See also 

Christianity and Zoroastrianism, 1. 

Christ’s coming foretold, 98, 201. 

Chronicon Alexandrinum, 126, 190. 

Chronicon Paschale, 126, 190 ; quoted, 

Chronology of Persians, 172 seq. 

Chrysostomus, text quoted, 245. 

Church Fathers, comparison of Phl. — 

literature to patristic writings, 5. 

Cicero, 7 n. 4, 5; quoted, 169. 

Cigav, 22. 

Cikhshnush or Cakhshni, 18, 19. 

Cist, 1938 and n. 1; 204. 

Ciz, 197. See also Shiz. 

Classical references to Z. in general, 
6 and App. V.; to Z.’s asceticism, 
34; to Z.’s date, 15, 152-157; to 
Z.’s native place, 186-191; to Z.’s 
death, 125 seq. 

Claudian, text quoted, 247. 

Clemens Alexandrinus, 6 n.6; 7n. 5; 
189; quoted, 169 ; text quoted, 240. 

Clemens Romanus, text quoted, 238. 

Clementine Homilies, 125, 147. 

Clementine Recognitions, 125, 147. 

Comisene, 99. 

Comparison between Buddha and Zo- 
roaster, 1-2. 

Conferences with Archangels or Am- 
shaspands, 46-50, 207. 

Confucius, 1, 176. 

Conspiracy against Z., 62. 


Conversion of Vishtaspa, 56 seq. ; of 
the Brahman Cangranghacah, 85-88 ; 
of Lohrasp, 78; of Zarir, 78. 

Conversions in Greece, 88-89 ; in India, 
84; in Turan, 83. 

Convert, Z.’s first, 37. See also Maidh- 

Cotelerius, text quoted, 253. 

Country of Z. discussed, 182-205. 

Court of Vishtaspa, 74. 

Crusade, 210. 

Ctesias, 155, 187 ; material in Diodorus 
Siculus, Georg. Syncell., 232, 252. 
Curzon, Hon. G. N., 39 n. 5; 216 

Ve 2a Oe 

Cypress of Kishmar, 80, 217. 

Cyril, referred to, 169; text quoted, 

Cyrus, 91 n. 2; his name associated 
with Lohrasp, 209 ; his death, 177. 


Dabistén, quoted, 58-59, 89-90 n. 5; 
163, 202, 285. 

Dadv6, 128. 

Dahak, 91. 

Daiti. See Daitya. 

Daitya, Daiti, Daitib, river, 40, 42, 45, 
49, 196-197, 221; suggested identifi- 
cation, 211. 

Dakiki, a thousand lines by, incorpo- 
rated in the Shih Namah, 5 u. 2; 
mentioned, 109 ; drawn upon by Fir- 
dausi, 104, 208 ; end of quotation in 
Sh. N., 118. 

Dara, Darai, 158, 159, 161, 163. 

Darab D. P. Sanjana, on Z.’s date, 177. 

Daraja, 193, 195. See Dareja. 

Darbisht (?), 97, 224 n. 2. 

Darej. See Dareja. 

Dareja, Darej, river, 34, 49, 52, 193, 
196, 204. 

Darius, 167, 171; as Mazda-worship- 
per, 134. 

Darmesteter’s view of Z., 3 n. 1; D. 
quoted, 149. 


Darshinika, 103. 

Daryai Rid, 195. 

Dasatir, text allusions quoted, 282-286. 

Date of Z., 14 seq. and App. II.; dis- 
cussed, App. IT., 150-178. 

Davidson, Dr. T., 41 n. 3. 

Dayiin (Sén6), 137 n. 6. 

Death of Z., 119, 124 seq.; at Balkh, 

Deinon, 8, 147 ; cited under Diogenes 
Laertius, 241. 

Departure (death) of Z., 128. 

Derivation of name Z., 147-149. 

Devadatta, 37. 

Development of Z.’s religion, 93 seq. 

Devéria, M. G., on a Chinese allusion 
to Z., 279-280. 

Devil-worshippers, 228. See also Yezi- 

Dinawar, 95. 

Dinkart, as source for Z.’s life, 5; its 
account of miracles, 24; quoted, 24, 
41, 96, 107, 211 n. 3. 

Dio Chrysostom, 34; text quoted, 236. 

Diodorus of Eretria, cited by Origen, 

Diodorus Siculus, 12; text quoted, 2382. 

Diogenes Laertius, 6 n. 6; 9, 154, 189; 
text quoted, 241. 

Disciples of Z., 98, 187. 

Doctor Faustus, parallel, 31. 

Dosabhai Framji Karaka, 33 n. 4. 

Dighdav6, Dikdav, Diktaibs, Dugh- 
di, Dughdéva, 18, 25, 192, 199. 

Dughdi, see preceding. 

Diktaub, 25; see also preceding. 

Duncker, referred to, 220. 

Dirasr6bo, a Karap, 28; plots against 
Z., 81; his death, 32. 


Early religious propaganda, 80 seq. 

Ecbatana, 11. 

Edda, Snorra, quoted, 6n. 3; 157; text 
alluding to Z., 286-287. 

Eliseeus, Armenian allusions to Z., 275. | 


Epiphanius of Constantia, 188; text 
quoted, 244. 

Era of Z. discussed, 150-178. 

Erezraspa, 136. 

Etymology of Z.’s name, 125-126 ; dis- 
cussed, 147-149. 

Eubulus, cited by Porphyrius, 242. 

Euchologion. See under Anathemas, 

Eudemus of Rhodes, cited by Diogenes 
Laertius, 242. 

Eudoxus of Cnidus, 8, 152, 153; cited 
by Pliny and Diogenes Laertius, 234, 

Eusebius, 187-188 ; quoted, 156; text 
given, 243. 

Eutychius, quoted, 167-168. 

Events after Z.’s death, 133 seq. 

Exile of Jews, 11. 

Eznik, Armenian allusions to Z., 276. 


Family of Z., 10-22. 

Faris (Persia), 200. 

Fariimad, 216. 

Farnbag fire, 99, 217, 222. 

Farshidvard, 112 n. 8; 116, 119, 120, 

Farvadin Yasht, gives list of converts, 

Ferghanah, 39, 200, 206. 

Feridin, 199. 

Firdausi, 208, 210; author of Shah 
Namah, 5; draws on Dakiki, 104; 
especially referred to, 109, 118, 208, 

Fire of the priests, 99; of Z., 216. 

Fires, fire-temples, 98-100, 283; of Z., 
location, 222. 

Fire-worshippers in Shiz, 197. 

Floigl, on Z.’s date, 175. 

Florentine Picture-Chronicle, 293 n. 3. 

Form of Z.’s name, 12-18. 

Founder of the Magi, Z., 6. 

Fraoreta, 222. Cf. also Fravartish, 


Frashaoshtra, name, 14 n. 1; 21, 22; 
as vizir, 76, 181; his death, 136. 
Frash-him-vareta, 112 n. 8; 120 n. 1. 
Frashokara, Frashd-kareta, 112 n. 8. 
Frashoshtar, 77. See Frashaoshtra. 
Frata, 22. 
Fravartish, 141, 172, 222. 
Fraoreta, Phraortes. 
Jravast, 23, 24, 88, 141, 152. 
Frazdanava, 210, 211, 220, 221. 
Fréni, daughter of Z., 21. 
Frén6, 137. 
Froba, fire, 99. See Farnbag. 
Froébak, fire, 217. See Farnbag. 
Fryana, 83-84. 

See also 


Gaévani, 22. 

Ganavat, 216. 

Gaotema, 177-178. 

Garami, 113, 115. 

Gathas, or Z. Psalms, 5, 23, 30, 38, 41, 
42, 44, 46, 54, 67, 69 n. 1 (references 
to Vishtaspa); 75, 83. 

Geiger, 104 n.2; 186 n. 2; 218. 

Geldner, quoted, 2; view as to Z.’s 
date, 175. 

Genealogy of Z., 18. 

Geoponica, text quoted, 249. 

Georgius Cedrenus, 126. See also 
Chron. Pasch., 251. 
Georgius Hamartolus, 126. See also 

Chron. Pasch., 251, 254. 

Georgius Syncellus, 153, 154, 155, 190; 
text quoted, 252. 

Ghazni, 211. 

Gilan, rivers in, 211. 

Gildan territory, 213, 222. 

Glycas, 126; text quoted, 256. 

Goarius, text quoted, 253. 

Gobryas, purported Magian, 8. 

Gobryas, 138. 

Gospels, quoted, 23. 

Gospel, spread of, 80 seq. 

Gottheil, cited, 6 n. 1 et passim ; espe- 
cially 280. 

Greco-Bactrian coins, 208. 


Gray, L. H., notes, 226, 259-261. 

Greece, 6,7; G. and Iran, 11; relations 
with Iran, 90. 

Greek accounts of Z.’s death, 124 seq. 

Greek conversions, fabled, 88-90. 

Greek forms of Z.’s name, 12. 

Gregorius, cited by Michael Glycas, 

Gregory of Tours, 126, 190; text quoted, 

Gréhma, 44. 

Guardian Spirit. See fravasi. 

Gumbadan, 118, 131. 

Gunabad, 216. 

Gurdoé, 121, 122. 

Gurgsar, 109, 110, 111. 

Gushasp. See Gishnasp. 

Giishnasp fire, 100. 

Gushtasp. See Vishtaspa. 


Haécat-aspa, 18, 19, 75, 76. 

Ham, 125, 126, 157. 

Hamartolus, 126. See Georgius Hamar- 
tolus, 251, 254. 

Hamzah of Isfahan, quoted, 199, 224. 

Hanhaurvao, 22. 

Haoma appears to Z., 50. 

Haosrava, 215. 

Hara Berezaiti. See Alborz. 

Harlez, C. de, on Z.’s date, 175; view 
ou original home of Zoroastrianism, 

Haug, quoted, 148; on Z.’s date, 175. 

Haurvatat confers with Z., 49. 

Healing of a blind man by Z., 94. 

Hecatzus, cited by Diog. Laert., 242. 

Hellanicus of Lesbos, cited by Georg. 
Syncell., 252. 

Heraclides Ponticus, 8; also cited by 
Plutarch, Anathemas, and Petrus 
Siculus, 236, 253. 

Herennius, or Philo of Byblus. See 
under Eusebius, 243. 

Hermippus, 152, 153; cited by Pliny, 
234; Diog. Laert., 242. 


Hermodorus, 6 n. 6; his reputed Ma- 
gian studies, 90; cited by Diog. 
Laert., 241. 

Herodotus, on Magi, 7; does not men- 
tion Z., 8 (see also 35, 155) ; is cited 
by Georg. Syncell., 252. 

Hieronymus, text quoted, 245. 

Hilmend, 137 n. 5. 

Hilmend, Hérmand, 212 n. 2. 

Hindiis, 117. 

Hindus, converted, 84, 87. 

Hindustan, 117. 

Hirth, Dr. F., on Z. in Chinese litera- 
ture, 278-279. 

Historical personage, Z. 

Holy Communing Ones, 34, 194 n. 1; 

Holy War, first, 108 seq. ; second, 120 

Holy Wars, 103 seq. ; summarized, 122. 
See also 210, 213, 217. 

Hom. See Haoma. 

Home of Z., 16 seq., 193 seq. 

Hom-plant, fravasi in it, 25. 

Hom-water from Daitya, 41, 45. 

Horn, view cited, 218. 

Hosthanes (Ostanes), 138, 238, 243. 

Houtum-Schindler, quoted, 100, 215, 

Hrazdan, 211, 220 n. 5; 221. 

Hugo de St. Victore, text quoted, 188, 

Huma, 72. 

Himai. See Huma. 

Himai, 158, 159, 163, 209. 

Humak, 115. 

Humayaka, 103. 

Huns, 221, 222. 

Hunu, a Karap, 43. 

Hishdiv, 109, 110, 112. 

Hushyaothna, 22. 

Hutaosa, 68, 70, 193 n. 2. 

Hitds. See Hutaosa. 

HuvaxSatara, 222. 

Hvadaéna, 22. 

Hvarecithra, son of Z., 21. 

as such, 


hoaranah, 24. 

Hvobas, 186. 

Hvogva, 22, 76, 77. 

Hvovi, wife of Z., 21, 22, 76. 

Hvovid family tree, 22. 

Hyaona, 108, 115, 123, 213, 220-222, 

Hyaonians led by Arejat-aspa, 104. 

Hyrcania, 219. 

Hystaspes, same name as Vishtaspa, 
16, 167, 171; his relations to India, 
207. See also 220. 


Iamblichus, 7 n. 5. 

Tbn al-Athir, 38, 39, 166 ; quoted, 199- 

Ibn al-Hamadhani, quoted, 198. 

Ibn Khurdadhbah, quoted, 198. 

Image of Z., purported, 288-293. 

India, 11, 207; Z. in, 89; conversions 
‘in, 84; relations to Persia, 87 n. 1; 
210 n. 4. 

Interviews with Archangels or Amsha- 
spands, 46-50, 207. 

Invasion by Arjasp, 108-109. 

Iran at Z.’s time, 10-11; spread of re- 
ligion in, 82; enmity with Turan, 
108; eastern, 218-219; western, 

Iranian sources of information, 5. 

Iranian tradition of Z.’s death, 127. 

Isat-vastra, son of Z., 21. 

Isfendiar, Spentd-data, 67, 72, 77-78, 
82, 84, 105, 112, 118, 283; as cru- 
sader, 117; is calumniated, 117; im- 
prisoned, 125; his death, 121. See 
also 134, 158. 

Isidorus, 188 ; text quoted, 251. 

Istakhr, 91 n.3; 97, 219-220, 222, 224 
n. 2. 

Isvant, 83. 


Jagatai, 119, 216. 
Jamasp. See Jamaspa. 


Jamaspa, 67, 75 n.2; 76, 77, 86, 108, 
120, 181; son-in-law of Z., 21, 22; 
writes down the Avesta, 117; his 
death, 136, 187. 

jaradgava, 14. 

jaratkaru, 14. 

Jemshéd, 11 n. 1; 28, 99. 

Jeremiah, 163, 165, 166, 197-198; re- 
puted as teacher of Z., 30, 38. 

Jerome, text quoted, 245. 

Jerusalem destroyed by Lohrasp, 91 
n. 2. 

Jews, captivity of, 11. 

Jihiin, Oxus, 114, 213, 214. 

Johannes Lydus, 247. 

Johannes Malalas, 126. 
Pasch., 251. 

Judaism, alluded to, 1, 142. 

Justi, view cited, 141; on Z.’s date, 
175; view on Z.’s native place, 221- 

Justin, quoted, 156, 187; text given, 

See Chron. 


K in Greek names. See C. 

Kabil, Kavul, 99, 217. 

Kai. See Kavi. 

Kain, 215. 

Kai Us, 24. 

Kama, K. R., on Z.’s date, 175. 

Kandar, 120. 

Karaka, Dosabhai Framji, cited, 289. 

Karaps, 28, 42. 

Katayitin, 71, 73. 

Kathi-sarit-sagara, cited, 27 n. 4. 

Kavarazem, 117. 

Kavig, son of Kindah, 94, 181. 

Kavis and Karpans, 28. 

Kavul, Kabil, 99, 217. 

Kayanian, home of the dynasty, 211. 

Kazwini, 34; quoted, 195, 201. 

Kerdiai, 121, 122. 

Kern on Z. as a mythical personage, 

Khallakh, Khallukh, 107, 109, 116, 213. 

Khashash, 109, 110. 


Khatai, 214. 

Khorasmia, 99. 

Khorassan 94, 100, 116, 118, 119, 123, 
141, 214-218. 

Khordad, 99. 

Khshathra Vairya, confers with Z., 47. 

Khir, 128. 

Khirdat. See Haurvatat. 

Khurrad, 99. 

Khvandamir, 219. 

Khvarizem, 217. 

Khyon. See H'yaona. 

Kiash, Kawasjee, Dinshah, quoted, 291. 

Kig. See Kavi. 

Kigs and Karaps, 28, 42. 

Kishmar, cypress of, 80, 97, 100, 217. 

Kitabtin, 71,738. See Katayiin. 

Kizel Uzen river, ancient Daitya(?), 
41, 49, 207, 211. 

Knowledge, Z.’s scientific, 96. 

Koran, 142. 

Kroll, authority cited, 260-261. 

Kuhram, 109, 110, 111, 120, 122. 

Kimis, 99. 

Kimish, 216. 

Kitndah, 94. 

Kurazm, 117. 

Kusti, assumed by Z., 32. 

Kyaxares, 222. 


Lactantius, 7 n. 5; 

Lagarde, referred to, 220. 

Lalita Vistara, 26. 

Lanman, referred to, 8n.4; 293 n. 3. 

Lassen, 12 n. 2; 148. 

Latin accounts of Z.’s death, 124 seq. 

Lehmann, view cited, 221. 

Logia of Z., 8, 168, 259-273. 

Lohrasp, 78; crowns Vishtdspa, 78 ; 
destroys Jerusalem, 91 n. 2; death, 
118, 180-131, 212; name associated 
with Nebuchadnezzar, 162, 209. See 
199-201. See also Aurvat-aspa. 

Lord, Henry, cited, 148. 

Losses in the Holy Wars, 116. 

190; quoted, 


Lucian, 7 n. 5; 169; text quoted, 237. 
Lydus, Johann., text quoted, 247. 


Madéfryat, 216. 

Magi, Z. an arch-representative, 6 ; 
Median tribe, Z. as founder, 7; 
reputed teachers of Pythagoras and 
Plato, 7, 8. 

Magian worship, 7; doctrines, 90; fire- 
worship, 98; priests, 188; priest- 
hood, 141, 142. 

Magians, 195. 

Magika Logia of Z., 259-278. 

Maidydimanha, Maidhydi-maonha, Z.’s 
cousin and first convert, 13 n.6; 20, 
37, 54, 75, 137, 180, 196, 206. 

Majdi, cited, 220. 

Malalas, Johann., 126. 
Pasch., 251. 

Malcolm, Sir John, quoted, 290. 

Manicheism, 142. 

See Chron. 

Manicheans, anathemas against, 
quoted, 253. 
Manitshcihar. See Manush-cithra. 

Manush-cithra, 18, 119, 193. 
Marcellinus, text quoted, 244. 
Marriage, next-of-kin, 48. 

Masiidi, quoted, 162-163 ; on date of Z., 
178; text quoted, 199. 

Mazda-worship, 134. 

Meaning of name Spitdma, 18; of Z.’s 
name, 12-14, 147-149. 

Medes, 176. 

Media, 17, 22, 73, 141, 142, 184, 189- 
190, 196 n. 1; 206, 218, 224; view as 
to Z.’s ministry, 219-222 ; view as to 
cradle of Z.’s faith, 219; Media 
Atropatene, 51, 192; see also Adar- 
baijan; Media Rhagiana, 51, 197, 
206 ; see also Rai. 

Median kingdom, 11; origin of Visht- 
aspa, 213. 

Merv, 114, 214, 225. 

Mesh-hed, 215. 

Messiah, idea of, 21. 



Métyémah, cousin of Z., 40. See also 

Michael Glycas, 126, 190, 256. 

Mihr, town, 100. 

Mills, view on Gathas, 217-218. 

Ministry, Z. enters upon his, 35, 36. 

Miracles before Z.’s birth, 24. 

Mirkhond, 34, 215 n. 5. 

Mithra, 100; cult, 34 n. 3; possible 
representation of, 292. 

Mithraic mysteries, 194 n. 1. 

Miyan-i dasht, 216. 

Modi, J. J., cited, 178. 

Mohammed, 206 ; beholds Gabriel, 40. 

Mohammedan conquest, 138. 

Mohammedan calendar, 164. 

Mohammedan allusions to Z., 280-282. 

Mohammedan writers on Z.’s native 
place, 197-201. 

Moses of Khorene, 187 ; his allusions to 
Z. given, 274-275. 

Moslem power, 142. 

Mother of Z., 18, 20. 

Mountain of Holy Communing, 34, 
194 n. 1. 

Mujmal al-Tawarikh, 164, 281. 

Miller, Fr., quoted, 148 ; F. Max, 179. 

Mirdat. See Ameretat. 

Mythological view of Z., criticised, 3. 


Nahid. See Katayin. 

Naidhyah Gaotema, 177-178. 

Naksh-i Rustam, 292. 

Name Zarathushtra, 12. 

Name of Zoroaster, 12 seq. ; discussed, 

Namkhvast, 107, 111, 112. 

Naotairya, 70. 

Naotairyans, 193 n. 2; 222. 

Nariman, 22. 

Nask, 136. 

Nasks, books of Avesta, 8, 95. 

Nastir. See Bastavairi. 

Native place of Z., 16 seq. ; discussed, 


Nebuchadnezzar, 162; associated with 
Lohrasp, 209. 

Neo-Platonic school, 142. 

Nérydsang, an angel, 66. 

Névzar, 118, 115. 

Next-of-kin marriages, 43. 

Nicolaus of Damascus, 2382; quoted, 

Nimrod, 125. 

Nineveh, fall of, 11. 

Ninus and Z., 15, 151, 154-157, 186- 
188, 217, 274-278. 

Nisa, 98. 

Nishapir, 98, 100, 119, 215-216. 

Nivétish, brother of Z., 20. 

Niyatiis, 89, 90. 

Nizami, his Iskander Namah, 282. 

Nédhas, 178. 

Non-Iranian sources of information as 
to Z., 6. 

Notar, Notars, 135, 192, 204, 210, 222. 

Notariga, brother of Z., 20. 

Narakh, 89. 

Nish-Adar, 113, 118, 129. 


Odatis, 73. 

Oppert, quoted, 148. 

Oracles of Zoroaster, text given, 259- 

Ordeal established, 97. 

Origen, quoted, 189; 

Ormazd (Ormizd), 277; picture, 291. 
See Ahura Mazda. 

Ormazd, son of Vishtasp, 113. 

’Opdacros, Gk. form of Z.’s name, 

‘Qpoudcdns, 171. 

Oroomiah. See Caécista. 

Orosius, 127, 188; quoted, 156; text 
quoted, 246. 

Orpheus, 235. 

Ostanes, 188; cited under Pliny and 
under Eusebius, 284, 248. 

Oxus, 114, 218, 214. 

Oxyartes, 155. 

text quoted, 



Padashkhvargar, 216. 

Pahlavi form of Z.’s name, 13. 

Pahlavi literature as a source of infor- 
mation, 5, 28; references to Visht- 
aspa, 62 n. 2. 

Pakhad, 22. 

Palestine, 197; according to some, Z. 
a native of, 38, 197. 

Panodorus, cited by Georg. Syncellus, 

Pars, 215. 

Parshatgio, Parshat-gau, 22, 207 n. 1; 

Parsis, 33, 188, 142. 

Patiragtarasps, 20. 

Pat-khusrav, 112, 115. 

Pazates, 188. 

Persepolis, 97, 220, 224. 

Persia, 95, 141-142, 171, 184-185, 189- 
190; in Chinese literature, 279- 

Persian lawgiver, 11. 

Persian spellings of Z.’s name, 138. 

Persian wars, 7. 

Peshana, 103. 

Peshécingha, 103. 

Peshétan. See Peshdtanu. 

Peshotanu, 66, 113. 

Péshydtan. See Peshdtanu. 

Petrus Comestor, text quoted, 256. 

Philo of Byblos. See under Eusebius, 

Photius, text quoted, 254. 

Phraortes, 172, 222. See also Fra- 
oreta, Fravartish. 

Pictures of Z., reputed, 288-293. 

Plato, purported Zoroastrian studies, 
7n.6; reputed Magian studies, 90; 
referred to, 142; text quoted, 231. 

Platonic Alcibiades, 6n. 6; 9, 153, 189. 

Platonis Vita, quoted, 231. 

Pletho, Gemistus, 8. 

Pliny, 6n. 6; 138, 153, 169, 170, 189; 
mentions Z.’s birth, 27 ; text quoted, 


Plutarch, 6 n. 6; 8n. 4; quoted, 153, 
169 ; text given, 235. 

Polyhistor. See Alexander Polyhistor 
and Solinus Polyhistor, 238, 244, 252. 

Porphyrius, 7n. 5; 34, 189; quoted, 
169 ; text given, 242. 

Porter, Sir R. Ker, quoted, 289-290. 

Portraits of Z., purported, 289-293. 

Poricast. See Pourucista. 

Poriishispd. See Pourushaspa. 

Pourucisté, 138 n. 6; 75, 77; daughter 
of Z., 21, 22. 

Pourushaspa, 19, 20, 131, 192; father 
of Z., 24, 25, 29. 

Preaching of Z. begun, 42. 

Priests, their fire, 99. 

Procopius of Gaza, text quoted, 248. 

Prodicus, 8. 

Promulgation of the Gospel, 80 seq. 

Prophecies, of Z.’s coming, 28; of 
future events, 138. 

Prophecy of Christ by Z., 98. 

Prudentius, text quoted, 246. 
Aurelius Prudentius. 

Psalms of David, comparison, 75. 

Pirshasp. See Pourushaspa. 

Pythagoras, reputed study of Magian 
doctrines, 7. See also 90, 91, 142. 

Pyrea of Magi, 217. See also Fires, 



Q, on Arabic forms in, see K. 

Raga, 202 seq. 
"Pdyat, 202. 
Ragh. See Rak, 204. 
Ragha, 17, 85, 192. 
Rai. See Ragha. 
Raja Bimbisara, 37. 
Rak, Ragh, 192-193. 
Rangishtar, brother of Z., 20. 
Ranha, 223. 
Ratishtar, brother of Z., 20. 
Rawlinson, G. and H., quoted, 148, 291. 


Révand, 215. ~ 
Ridge of Vishtasp, 216. 
Roth, on Z.’s date, 175. 
Roth, view cited, 218. 
Riidbar, 215 n. 5. 

Rim or Asia Minor, 84, 88. 
Rim, 99, 117, 210. 
Rustam, 121. 


Sabalan Mt., 34, 195. 

Sacred fires, 98-100, 222. 

Sacrifices of Vishtaspa, 212-213. 

Saéna, 187 n. 6; 178. 

Saféd river, 41, 49. 

Saféd Rid, 211. 

Sagastin. See Seistan. 

Sahend Mts., 49. 

Saka-stana. See Seistan. 

Sama Keresaspa, 22. 

Samaria, 142. 

Slaiikara-Acarya, 87. 

Sankarakas, 284. See also Cangrang- 

Saoshyant, 21. 

Savalan Mt., 195. 

Scene of battles between Vishtaspa and 
Arejat-aspa, 216. 

Scene of Z.’s ministry, 15; discussed, 

Scholasticus Bassus, text quoted, 249. 
See also Geoponica. 

Scholiast of the Platonic Alcibiades, 
34, 86 n. 2. 

Scholion to Plato, text quoted, 231. 

Schuyler, M., Jr., 178, 277. 

Scientific books of Z., 8. 

Scientific knowledge of Z., 95. 

Sculptured portraits of Z. reproduced, 
288 seq. 

Seistin, 17; Z.’s journey thither, 44, 
45 ; early propaganda there, 45 n. 3; 
212; other allusions, 82, 99, 118, 
131, 1387, 207, 208, 214. 

Semiramis and Z., 15, 151, 154-157, 
186-187 ; war with Z., 217; her 
name associated with Z., 274-278. 


Séné, 137 and n. 6; 181, 212. 

Seven Conferences, 36 seq., 40. 

Shah Namah, a source of information 
regarding Z., 5 and n. 2; cited, 78 
n. 4; 80 et passim ; dates of dynas- 
ties, 164. 

Shahrastani, quoted, 94-95, 199. 

Shakspere-Bacon controversy as an 
illustration, 4. 

Shapin, 224. 

Shapigan, 97. 

Shaspigan, 224. 

Shatvér. See Khshathra Vairya. 

Shédasp, 118, 116. 

Shelley, view of Z., 50 n. 2. 

Shéré, 112, 115. 

Shét river, 211 n. 3. 

Shikand-gimanik-Vijar, 57. 

Shiz. Cf. Caécista, Ciz, 195, 197, 201- 
202, 204. 

Shizigain, 224. 

Significance of Z.’s name, 13 seq. 

Simachus, cited under Agathias, 249. 

Simakos. See Symmachos. 

Smerdis, relation to Z.’s date, 167. 

Snorra Edda Preface, alludes to Z., 
text quoted, 151, 286-287. 

Socrates, 1. 

Solinus, text quoted, 244. 

Solinus Polyhistor, text quoted, 244. 

Soma and eagle myth, 25 n. 1. 

Lwoacrpos, variant of Z.’s name, 12 n.2. 

Sources of information about Z.’s life, 
5; of material for Z.’s seven con- 
ferences, 38-40. 

Sdvar, lake, 100. 

Spaeitita Razura, 215. 

Spéd river, 41, 49. 

Spelling of Zoroaster’s name, 12. 

Spend-dat. See Isfendiar. 

Spend Nask, referred to, 26. 

Spend-yat, for Spentd-data, 215. 

Spenta Armaiti confers with Z., 48. 

Spentd-daita, mount, 118,215. Seealso 

Spontd-frasnd, 34, 194 n. 1; 195. 

Spét-razhiir, 214. 


Spiegel, on Z. as a historical personage, 
8 n. 1; view on original home of 
Zoroastrianism, 220. 

Spinjaurusha, 103. 

Spitama, 18. 

Spitima, name, 12, 13. 

Zrirapas, TriOduns, 13 n. 6. 

Spitamas, home of the, 24. 

Spiti, 136. 

Spread of the religion, 135-136. 

Sritd, 185, 180. 

Sritd, 137. 

Statue, purported to represent Z., 289- 

Successors of Z., 187. 

Suidas, 6 n. 6; 126; quoted, 154, 157, 
169, 190, 255. 

Su-lu-tsché, Chinese name of Z., 279. 

Sunkellos. See Georgius Syncellus. 

Symmachos (Simakos), cited by Aga- 
thias, 249. 

Syriac authors, quoted, 98, 165-166, 
288 ; sources of information as to Z., 
6, 280-282 et passim. 


Tabari, 88; quoted, 166, 198, 209, 224 
n. 2. 

Tahmasp, 22. 

Tajan. See Tojan. 

Takht-i Bostan, reputed sculpture of 
Z. there, 289-292. 

Takht-i Suleiman, 195 n. 1. 

Tanais, 73. 

Tantra philosophy, 210 n. 4. 

Tathryavant, 103, 210 n. 4. 

Tejend river, 47 n. 5. 

Temples of fire. See Fire. 

Temptation of Z., paralleled in Bud- 
dhism and Christianity, 53; alluded 
to, 207. 

Thales, 161; contemporary of Z., 168. 

Theodoretus of Cyrus, text quoted, 247. 

Theodorus of Mopsuestia, cited under 
Photius, 254. 

Theologumena Arithmetica, text given, 


Theon, quoted, 156, 187; text given, 

Theopompus, 8; reputed Magian stud- 
ies, 90; cited under Diogenes Laer- 
tius and Aineas of Gaza, 242, 248. 

Thomas Arzrouni, Armenian annalist, 
217; his allusions to Z., 276-278. 

Thomas, Edw., cited, 291. 

Thriti, daughter of Z., 21. 

Tiantr, 89, 90. 

Tiele, quoted, 171-172 ; view cited, 218 
n. 5. 

Tdjan water, conference at, 47. 

Tradition, importance of, 39. 

Turan, 11; conversions in, 83. 

Turan and Iran, enmity, 103. 

Turanians, storm Balkh, 212. 

Turbaraturhash, 131. 

Tur-i Bratarvakhs, 127-129. 

Tur-i Bratrdk-résh, 127-129. 

Turkestan, 214. 

Turks, Z. among the, 39. 

Titianish, 89, 90, 283. 


Ukhshyat-ereta, 21, 155. 

Ukhshyat-nemah, 21. 

‘Ulama-i Islam, 282. 

Urumiah, Z.’s reputed birthplace, 17, 
30, 48, 49, 96, 165, 197-198; Uru- 
miah Lake, 39 n.'5. 

Ururvija, grandson of Z., 20 n. 3; 21. 

Urvatatnara, son of Z., 21. 

Us, Kai, 24. 

uxtra in names, 14, 148, 149. 

UxSyat-ereta, 21, 155. 


Vaédvoisht, not converted by Z., 43. 
Valerius Maximus, 7 n. 5; 169. 
Vandaremaini, 109. 

‘Var of Révand,’ 215, 

Varaza, 83. 

Varedhaka, 221. 

Vareshna, 22. 


Vedantist philosopher, 87. 

Vedas, 178. 

Vendidad, 1. 15, quoted, 202-2038 ; 19. 
1-10, translated, 51-53; 19. 11, 194; 
22.19, 194 n. 1. 

Victorinus, text quoted, 245. See Afer. 

Victory, final, of Zoroastrianism, 121. 

Vidrafsh, envoy of Arejat-aspa, 107, 
115, 116. 

Vishtaspa, 151; (Vishtasp) patron of 
Z., 21; sought by Z., 88-389; abode 
of, 58, 223; meets Z., 59; has a vis- 
ion, 66 ; references to, in Gathas, 69 
n. 1; Pahlavi references to, 69 n. 2; 
his court, 57, 74; children and fam- 
ily, 71; his date, 158, 180-181, 199, 
201; springs from Notar, 193 n. 2; 
204; he is a dainhupatti, 222; story 
of his youth, 72, 210 ; he goes toward 
Rim and later returns to Iran, 73, 
110 ; his residence and kingdom, 210, 
223 ; his meeting with Z. and his con- 
version, 37, 59 seq., 64 seq., 209; 
date of this event, 164; influence of 
his conversion, and rejoicing that he 
has received the religion, 74; his 
brother and father converted, 78; his 
religious zeal, 81; makes the religion 
current in the land, 81; founds fire 
temples, 98; removes the Farnbag 
fire to the east, 99; wars against 
Arejat-aspa, 102 seq. ; receives from 
Arejat-aspa an ultimatum, 107; in- 
vokes divine aid, 103; army, 112; 
first victory over Arjasp, 116; out- 
lives Z., 185 ; he is said to have been 
at Istakhr, 219-220 ; situation of the 
Ridge of Vishtaspa, 216. 

Vision, seen by Z. of the future, 97; 
by Vishtaspa, 66. 

Visions of Archangels (Amshaspands), 

Visraps, 135. 

Vita Platonis, text quoted, 231. 

Vohiman. See Vohu Manah. 

Vohtman, King. See Artashir, 82. 

Vohtman, son of Spend-dat, 133, 158. 


Vohu Manah, 83; brings Z.’s frava 1, 
24; reveals himself to Z., 40, 41; 
his conference with Z., 46; leads Z. 
to Ahura Mazda, 36; protector of 
cattle, 46. 

Vohimansd. See Vohu Manah. 

Vohtiném, 137. 

Vohunemah, 22, 137. 

VohuStra, name, 14 n. 1. 

Vourukasha, 211. 

vrsan-as'vd, 100. 

Vyasa, 88, 284 n. 4. 


War of Religion. See Holy Wars. 

Warren, W. R., 41 n. 3. 

Wars, Holy, 102 seq.; waged against 
Arejat-aspa, 103 seq.; number of, 
105 ; causes of the first, 106; events 
of the first, 105-118 ; Zairivairi, hero 
in the first, 105. 

West, E. W., cited, 5, 15,45 n.3; 47 
n.4; 68 n. 2; 59 n. 2; 112 n. 8; 
137 n. 5; on date of Z., 15, 174; on 
Zoroastrian chronology, 179-181. 

White Forest, 119; its location, 214— 

White India, 207 and n. 2. See also 

Wilhelm, E., cited, 84n. 2; view cited, 

Williams, Dr. F. W., 279. 

Windischmann, 147, 148. 

Wisdom of the Magi, 6. 

Witchcraft, 96. 

Wonders of Sagastin, 137 n. 5; 209; 
quoted, 212. 

Writing down of the Avesta, 97, 117. 


Xanthus of Lydia, 9; cited under 
Nicolaus of Damascus and Diogenes 
Laertius, 232, 241. 

Xenophon does not mention Z., 9. 

Xerxes, 128. 



Yakut, 34n.2; 204; allusions to Z., 
281-282 ; quoted, 197, 200. 

Yasht, 5. 108, 210; 18. 99-100, trans- 
lated, 81; 23. 4, 223. 

Yasna, 19. 18, quoted, 203; 46. 1, 207; 
46. 12, translated, 83; 46. 14 seq., 
translated, 76-77. 

Yatkar-I Zariran, § 52-56, quotation, 

Yazatas in Bindahishn, 50 n. 1. 

Yezd, portrait of Z. there, 288-289, 

Yezidis, 31, 223, 224. 

Yima, Yim, 11 n. 1; 23, 99. 

Yoishts y6 Fryanaim, 84. 

YOsht-i Fryan6, 84. 

Yunan (i.e. Greece), 89. 

Yunani (i.e. Greek), 283. 


Zabiilistan, 118, 212. 

Zairivairi, brother of Vishtaspa, 70, 
77; hero in first Holy War, 105. 
See also 85, 99, 108, 112, 114, 115, 
223 n. 4. 

Zak, a Karap, 57, 59. 

Zapééys, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

*Zaraustra, supposed western form 
of Z.’s name, 13 n. 1. 

ZaraduStra, meaning of name, 12 seq. 

Zarathushtra. See Zoroaster. 

Zdparos, Gr. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

Zaratusht, Phl. form of Z.’s name, 138. 

Zaratusht. See Zoroaster. 

Zaravastes, 12 n. 5. 

Zaravést, an Armenian form of Z.’s 
name, 12. 

Zarbisht (?), 97, 224 n. 2. 

Zardusht, Mod. Pers. form of Z.’s 
name, 138. See also Zoroaster. 

Zarér. See Zairivairi. 

Zapys, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

Zariadres, 73, 223 n. 4. 

Zarir, 77-78. See also Zairivairi. 

Zarshtan, 115. 


Zartusht Namah, date and translation, 
5andn. 1; passage quoted, 39. See 
also 293, 

Zadpaverns, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 

Zat-sparam, as source for Z.’s life, 5; 
quoted, 32-33, 40, 204. 

Zwpbados, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

Zoroaster (Zarathushtra, Zaratisht, 
Zardusht), as a religious teacher, 1; 
compared with Buddha, 1-3; as a 
historical personage, 3-4; a Magian 
and founder of the Magi, 6, 141, 275, 
277 ; called an astrologer, 125; is an 
Iranian, 10; is called Pers. law- 
giver, 11; sources of our knowledge 
regarding him: Avesta, Pahlavi, 
Arabic writings, 5-6; not men- 
tioned in Ancient Pers. Inscriptions, 
5.—Nameof Z. and its Mean- 
ing, 12, 18, 125, 147-149 (discus- 
sion) ; form in Armenian, 274-278 ; 
in Chinese, 280; in Greek, Latin, 
Pahlavi, Persian, 12, etc.—Date 
of Z., 14 seq. ; his date referred to, 
22; question of two Zoroasters, 153 ; 
date discussed, 150-178 ; date of his 
death, 180-182; is confused with 
other persons by some writers of 
antiquity, e.g. he is by some identi- 
fied with Ham, 125; also identified 
with Nimrod, 125; is said to be a 
contemporary of Smerdis, 167; or a 
contemporary of Cambyses, 167; his 
purported war with Ninus, 217; 
according to some he was made gov- 
ernor of Assyria, 275, 277; Z.’s 
name is associated by some Moham- 
medan authors with Jeremiah, who 
is even called his teacher, 30, 38, 163, 
165, 166; name associated with Bel, 
Baal, Balaam, 15n.3; 286; name is 
associated with Ninus and Semiramis, 
274-278. Native Place of Z. 
and Scene of his Ministry: 
his birthplace referred to and his 
native home in Iran discussed, 22, 

182-205 ; according to some Moham- 
medan assertions he was a native of 
Palestine, 38; tradition as to his 
native city, 197 ; statements connect- 
ing Z. with Ragh, 204; conclusion 
as to his native place, 205; scene of 
his ministry discussed, 205-224. — 
Main Events of his Life: 
Z.’sfamily, 10-22 ; ancestry, 17 seq. ; 
father and mother, 18, see also Pou- 
rushaspa, Dughdhova ; brothers, 20 ; 
his ancestral tree, 19, 20; his coming 
foretold, 23; triumph over demons 
foreseen, 27; is foreordained to be 
the prophet of Ahura Mazda, 27 ; his 
birth is attended by prodigies, 26; he 
laughs instead of cries, 27 ; Ahriman 
flees, 27; Z.’s youth and education, 
29; he is taught by Burzin-Kuris, 
30; or by Aganaces, 30; we find Z.’s 
name associated with Jeremiah, 30 ; 
according to some legends a pupil or 
disciple of Jeremiah, 38, 163, 166; 
by some he is identified with Baruch, 
30; assumes the Kusti, 32; his mar- 
riage and his wives, 20, 33; his 
children, 21; his religious prepara- 
tion, 32-35; eclecticism in religious 
matters, 33 ; asceticism according to 
the classics, 34; he crosses the Dai- 
tya, 40, 211 ; Vohu Manah meets him 
and leads him into the presence of 
Ahura Mazda, 36; his first vision, 
40; he holds converse with Ahura 
Mazda, 41; he beholds visions of the 
Archangels (Amshaspands), 46-50 ; 
his second vision and conference with 
Vobu Manah, 46; third vision and 
conference with Asha Vahishta, 47 ; 
fourth vision and conference with 
Khshathra Vairya, 47; fifth vision 
and conference with Spenta Armaiti, 
48; sixth vision and conference with 
Haurvatat, 49; seventh vision and 
conference with Ameretat, 49; be- 
holds an apparition of Haoma, 50; 
sees other visions, 50; his tempta- 


tion, 51-53, 207; receives instruc- 
tion and enters upon his ministry, 
34-35 ; begins preaching, 42, 196; 
preaches next-of-kin marriage, 48 ; 
tries to convert Vaédvoisht, 43; his 
wanderings, 200, 207; statements 
that he was in India, China, and 
among the Turanians, 39; in Seis- 
tan, 44; he tries to convert Parshat, 
44,45; is for a time in the region of 
the Caspian Sea, 46, 47; prays to 
Ardvi Siira, 57 ; seeks Vishtaspa and 
meets him, 38-39, 59, 209; disputes 
with the wise men at V.’s court, 61, 
283 ; conspiracy against him, 62 ; he 
is imprisoned, 62; heals the king’s 
horse, 62; he then converts Visht- 
aspa, 64; meets the Archangels, 
65; he instructs Vishtaspa, 74; af- 
terwards he converts the Brahman 
Cangranghacah, 85-88 ; did he visit 
Babylon ? 90; his scientific know- 
ledge and purported scientific books, 
8, 95; converts a Kavig, 94; heals 
a blind man, 94 ; sees a revelation of 
the future, 97 ; is said to have proph- 
esied of Christ, 97-98 ; his successor 
is Jamaspa, 76; other apostles and 
disciples, 98, 136-188; purported 
sculptured portraits, 289-293 ; death 
at age of seventy-seven years, 119, 


124, 127, 181, 212.—Allusions 
to Z., in the classics and in other 
literatures, 6 and App. V., VI. ; cited 
under Pliny, Clemens Alex., Euse- 
bius, Aineas of Gaza, Origenes, Geo- 
ponica, 234, 240, 243, 248 ; allusions 
to him in Armenian literature, 274- 
278 ; alluded to by Moses of Khorene, 
translation of passage given, 274- 
275; alluded to by Eliszeus, 276 ; by 
Eznik, 276; by Thomas Arzrouni, 
276-278 ; allusions to him in Chi- 
nese, 279-280; allusions to him in 
Syriac and Arabic literature, 281 ; 
in Mohammedan writings, 280-282. 

Zwpoderpys and other Gk. forms of Z.’s 
name, 12. 

Zoroastrian calendar, 174. 

Zoroastrian chronological tables, 179- 

Zoroastrian Logia, 168, 259 seq. 

Zoroastrian victories, 116 seq. 

Zoroastrianism, Holy Wars of, 102seq.; 
later development of, 133 seq. ; mod- 
ern, 142-143; spread of, 185-136 ; 
view as to eastern origin of, 186- 
188, 208-219; view as to western 
origin of, 189 seq., 219 seq. 

Zradasht, Armenian form of Z.’s name, 
18, 274-278. 

Zrvan, 274-278. 



1. On Iranian geography, see especially Geiger in Grundriss der Iran. Philol. 
371-394, where a Bibliography is given. 
2. Avestan, Pahlavi, or Ancient Persian names in the list are designat 


8. Conjectural identifications are indicated by (?) or by ‘ prob.’ (probably, 

Abbasabad Gb 
Adarbaijan (Azerbijan) ABCabe 
Airyana Vaejah = Adashaliany ABCabe 

Alburz Mts. CDEFb 
Alvand Mt. Ce 
Amu Daria (see Oxus) 

Aras (Araxes) Ba 
Ardabil Ca 
Asnavant Mt. = Sahend? 

Atropatene = see Adarbaijan 

Bactria LMbe 
Badghis IKe 
Balkh Mb 
Barfrush Eb 
Behistan (Besitun) Be 
Binalud Kuh Hb 
Birjand Hd 
Bokhara La 
Caecista (Caecasta) Ab 

Chorasmia (see Kh.) 
Chorassan (see Kh.) 

Caspian Sea = prob. Vourukasha ae 

Daitya river = Kizel Uzen ? BCb 
Darej river = Daryai Ba 
Demavand Mt. DEc 
Dinaver (Dinewer) (not on Map) Be 
Dranjiana IKe 
Ecbatana (Hamadan) Ce 
Elburz (see Alburz) 

Elvend = Alvand Ce 
Farah Rud IKde 
Fars (Persis) DEFefg 
Ferghanah (in Turkestan, NE) 


Ghazni Nd 
Ghilan Cb 
Ghor Ld 
Ghuznbe (see Ghazni) 

Gunabad Hb 
Hamadan (Ecbatana) Cec 
Hamun swamp Te 
Hara Berezaiti (see Alburz) 

Hassar (see Hissar) 

Herat Ke 
Hilmend River KLMe 
Hissar MNa 
Hyrcania EFGb 

Ispahan (Isfahan) Da 
Istakhr = Persepolis (NE of Shiraz) Ef 
Jagatai Mts. Gb 

Jihun (Oxus) River TKab 
Kabul Ne 
Kaian (Kain) Hd 
Kansava = prob. Cha-kansur IKe 
Karman (see Kerman) 

Kashaf River Hb 



Khorasmia EI 
Khorassan FGH 

Kizel Uzen (Sefid, Safed) River B 
Kuh-i Mish Gl 
Kumish GE 
Kunduz N 
Kurdistan ABE 
Lake Urumiah A 
Madan Ha 
Maragha Bt 
Mash-had Ht 
Mazanderan DEb 
Media CDEbc 
Merv IKb 
Meshed (see Mash-had) 

Miandasht Gb 
Mihbr Gb 
Murghab River Kbe 
Nihavand Cc 
Nishabur (Nishapur) Hb 
Oxus (Jihun River) IKab 
Parthia FGbe 
Pasargade Ee 

Persepolis (NE of Shiraz) 

Persis (Fars) DEFefg 
Radkan H 
Ragha (Rai) De 
Rai De 
Safed, Sefid River (Kizel Uzen) BCb 
Sagastan (Seistan) IKLde 
Sahend, Mt. Bb 
Samarkand Ma 
Sari Eb 
Savalan Mt. Ba 
Sehna Be 
Seistan IKLde 
Shiraz Ef 
Shiz (cf. Takht-i Suleiman) Bb 
Sogdiana LMNa 
Spet Razhur Hd 
Susa Cd 
Taberistan Ec 
Tajan River (Thejend) Eb 
Takht-i Bostan Be 
Takht-i Suleiman Bb 
Teheran De 
Tojan =? see Tajan 

Turan = Turkestan 

Turkestan FMab 
Tus Hb 
Urumiah (Urmia) Ab 
Vourukasha = prob. Caspian Sea 

Yazd (Yezd) Fe 
Zenjan Cb 





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